by Kate McFarland | Dec 3, 2016 | News
A superior court judge has upheld the Governor of Alaska’s decision to halve the amount of the state’s annual social dividend payment in 2016.
Senator Bill Wielechowski
CC BY-SA 4.0 Peter Stein
As previously reported in Basic Income News, Alaskan senator Bill Wielechowski filed a lawsuit in which he contested Governor Bill Walker’s veto of about half of the funding that the state legislature had allocated to the state’s Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD) and asked the courts to require that the Permanent Fund Corporation transfer the full amount originally allocated to the PFD.
Walker vetoed the funds in June 2016, in the face of a mounting budget crisis in the state, and Wielechowski filed his suit in September. On November 17, Superior Court Judge William Morse dismissed the case.
The Alaska Permanent Fund was established in 1976 by an amendment to the Alaska State Constitution that mandated that at least 25% of the money earned from the state’s oil be placed into a permanent fund, enabling the state to share its profits from non-renewable resources with future generations of Alaskans. In 1980, the Permanent Fund Corporation was created to manage the fund. Financed from the investment earnings on the permanent fund, the PFD is a cash payment distributed annually to all permanent residents (including children). The PFD is well-known in basic income circles as a “real world” example of a basic income–a universal and unconditional cash transfer to individuals. The PFD reached its peak amount of $2,072 in 2015, and it would have stood at $2,052 in 2016 had Walker not vetoed the legislature’s budget. Instead, this year’s PFD is $1,022 per Alaskan resident.
In previous years, the transfer of money from Permanent Fund Corporation to the fund for the dividend has been routine and uncontested.
In his suit, Wielechowski charged that Walker violated a law (Alaska Statute 37.13.145) that states that the Permanent Fund Corporation “shall” transfer half of its available income to the fund for the PFD. On Wielechowski’s interpretation, this statute implies that the transfer of funds is “automatic” and thus not subject to veto by the governor.
Morse argued, however, that the amendment setting up the Permanent Fund did not specify that it would affect the governor’s power of veto, saying to Wielechowski, “You’re telling me that what they secretly were trying to do was eliminate the governor’s veto authority, but they never mentioned that?”
Wielechowski has said that he will appeal the decision to the Alaska Supreme Court.
References
Alaska Dispatch News (November 17, 2016) “Judge tosses lawsuit challenging Alaska Gov. Walker’s PFD veto” Alaska Dispatch News.
Andrew Kitchenman (November 17, 2016) “Judge upholds Walker’s veto halving Permanent Fund dividends” KTOO Public Media.
Alaska pipeline photo CC BY 2.0 Maureen
by Tyler Prochazka | Nov 21, 2015 | News
The most common criticisms of a universal basic income (UBI) are that it is unfeasible and too expensive. However, in a recent series on UBI in the Washington Post, some of the strongest attacks dealt with the possibility that it may undermine civil society in the United States.
Jonathan Coppage, associate editor of The American Conservative magazine, argues that a UBI provides the freedom to “no longer be needed” by the marketplace, where many societal bonds are formed. A UBI would remove these ties, Coppage said.
In India, a UBI trial demonstrated instead that a UBI has the potential to increase entrepreneurial and economic activity. Also, unlike the current entitlement system, UBI benefits do not diminish as income rises, so replacing current social services with a UBI can actually encourage individuals to enter the marketplace.
A cautionary tale does emerge from rentier states in the Middle East. Rentier states, such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar, use oil revenue to provide their citizens with lavish social services in order to buy loyalty to the government. Some argue that this environment has contributed to the underdevelopment of rentier states’ civil societies, while others dispute this theory.
Nonetheless, the lessons from rentier states cannot properly be applied to implementing a UBI in the United States. There are far too many cultural and institutional differences (such as the repressive politics of many rentier states) to make these countries a useful case study.
In Alaska, the Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD) provides a more accurate illustration of how a UBI would affect civil society in America. The PFD provides an annual payment from the state’s oil revenues to each citizen of Alaska. It is arguably the closest program to a full UBI in the world.
One of the best measures of the strength of civil society is the level of volunteerism, as it indicates how invested individuals are in the betterment of their communities. Alaska is ranked as having the tenth highest volunteer participation as a percentage of the population in the United States. Additionally, from 1989 to 2006, Alaska’s volunteer rate increased by 10 percent.
Many have made the case that a UBI would increase support for civil society as it would allow individuals to shift some of their time to civic engagement. Although more in-depth statistical analysis would be needed to demonstrate that Alaska’s high volunteerism rate is a partial result of the PFD, it is easy to see why it may be the case; the financial freedom resulting from a UBI allows people to dedicate more time to activities that truly benefit them and their community.
At the very least, the experience in Alaska shows us that a universal basic income in the United States would not be the death of civil society. In fact, it could be the very stimulus civil society needs to thrive.