by Kate McFarland | Feb 14, 2017 | News
In January 2017, The Guardian published an interview with Matt Kerr, the Glasgow councillor who has spearheaded an effort to establish a basic income pilot in the city.
Kerr charges that the UK’s social benefit system is no longer adequate, and believes that it is important to consider radical change as a way to give people hope.
Look, it might be that at the end of this whole exercise we find that it’s just not workable, but I’d rather give it a go in good faith. At the moment, defending a system that is only slightly better than the one the government is trying to implement is simply not good enough. It’s not giving anyone any hope.
According to Kerr, in addition to providing a social safety net in a world in which full employment seems increasingly unrealistic, a basic income would provide individuals with greater freedom and control over their lives.
If you’re free from worrying about having a roof over your head and feeding your children, you can be free to take some risks and manage your own life. You can have the ability to take part in your community and volunteer without the risk of sanctions. At its core is a message from the state to the individual, saying ‘we actually give a damn about you and we’ll treat you with respect’.
The interview also touches upon Kerr’s criticism of the Universal Credit scheme introduced in 2010 by Work and Pensions Secretary Iain Duncan Smith, which merged six means-tested programs into a single monthly payment that is gradually clawed back with additional earnings.
Kerr announced at the launch of Citizen’s Basic Income Network Scotland in November 2016 that the Glasgow council had instructed its officers to begin researching and designing a local pilot study.
Read the full article:
Kevin McKenna, “The Scottish pioneer whose plan for a basic income could transform Britain,” The Guardian, January 7, 2017.
Reviewed by Dave Clegg.
Photo: Glasgow Cathedral, CC BY 2.0 Michel Curi
by Genevieve Shanahan | Feb 12, 2017 | News
The Dún Laoghaire branch of the Social Democrats will hold a public debate on basic income on Tuesday, February 21. The discussion will be chaired by Social Democrat TD Róisín Shortall and speakers will include Eamon Murphy and Sean Ward, both from Social Justice Ireland, and Anne Ryan and Sinéad Gibney, both of Basic Income Ireland.
The event page calls universal basic income “a new way to provide the people of Ireland the freedom to control their lives. It has the potential to help deliver on our ideals of a society based on values of equality, dignity and fairness, built on a strong and sustainable economy.”
This discussion will address how basic income would work in Ireland – what existing social welfare payments would be subsumed, how it would be financed and potential consequences.
The Social Democrats are a new centre-left party, founded in July of 2015. At present, it holds two of 158 seats in Dail Eireann, the lower house of the Irish government.
Given the affiliations of the speakers, it is fair to presume that the discussion will be fundamentally accepting of the idea of a basic income. It is possible, then, that the debate might focus on the details of implementation, rather than the general idea of basic income.
Basic Income Ireland is the Irish affiliate of BIEN. It has been active in promoting the idea of basic income in Ireland since the 1990s and hosted the BIEN international conference in 2008. They host monthly meetings in the Dublin Institute of Technology, the next of which will be at 6pm on February 15.
Social Justice Ireland, an independent think tank and justice advocacy organisation, recently published a social policy book titled “Basic Income – Radical Utopia or Practical Solution?” (available as a free PDF here), which was presented at their conference of the same name last November. Social Justice Ireland supports a basic income and is on the steering committee of Basic Income Ireland.
The public debate kicks off at 19:30 (UTC) and is scheduled to last an hour and a half. More information is available on the event’s Facebook page. While admission is free, the organisers request that attendees reserve tickets on their Eventbrite page.
Social Democrats Dún Laoghaire – “Can Ireland afford Universal Basic Income?” – a Public Debate, Royal Marine Hotel, Marine Road, Dublin, February 21, 2017.
Read more:
“Basic Income – Radical Utopia or Practical Solution?”, Social Justice Ireland, December 13, 2016.
Kate McFarland, “IRELAND: Papers and Cartoons from “Basic Income – Radical Utopia or Practical Solution?” conference available”, Basic income News, January 4, 2017.
Kate McFarland, “IRELAND: Social Policy Conference on Basic Income (Nov 22)”, Basic Income News, November 9, 2016.
Reviewed by Kate McFarland
Photo: Royal Marine Hotel, Dun Laoghaire, CC 2.0 by William Murphy
by Andre Coelho | Feb 8, 2017 | News
Mayor Lee Jae-myung. Credit to: Pangyo Techno Valley.
On December 9, 2016, the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea voted to impeach Park Geun-hye over a corruption scandal with her lifelong friend Choi Soon-sil. Due to the impeachment, the next presidential election in Korea is expected to take place early, in April or May 2017 instead of December, 2017. As the details of the scandal have emerged, a previously less well-known presidential candidate has been rising in opinion polls – Lee Jae-myung, the current mayor of Seongnam city. This city is located to the southeast of Seoul and is one of many municipalities of the Gyeonggi province.
In two months, Mayor Lee has emerged as a so-called “dark horse” candidate with a poll approval rating of 18%. He has been ranked as the third most popular of the presidential candidates. The strongest driving force of his rise is attributed to his prompt action in advocating for the impeachment of President Park. He was the first among the presidential candidates to call on the National Assembly to impeach Park Geun-hye. Lee is also famous for his clear stance against powerful vested interests, including the “ in Korea.
Yet, there is another important factor that grabs attention. His major campaign promise is about providing universal basic income. Mayor Lee has successfully implemented the youth dividend policy, which pays an annual dividend of one million Korean won (approximately 850 US dollars) to individuals who are 24 years of age and who have lived in Seongnam city for three years or more. The policy finds its philosophical roots in the idea of universal basic income. The Park Geun-hye administration used several strategies to deter the implementation of the local youth dividend policy, however, Mayor Lee eventually fulfilled his promise.
A survey of 2866 youth distribution recipients shows that 96.3% of youth who received the benefit are satisfied with the policy. Some responses revealing satisfaction and even gratitude include the following: “Upon receiving the youth credit, I have gained confidence, which is more valuable than money”; and “Society looked after me for the first time”.
In his presidential candidacy announcement speech for the 19th Election, Lee Jae-myung said he will expand the universal basic income system to the national level. More specifically, he outlined a detailed plan to provide the ‘life-cycle dividend’ and ‘special dividend’ shortly after his inauguration.
The life-cycle dividend will pay a child dividend to individuals aged between 0 and 12, a teen dividend to those in the 13-18 bracket, a youth dividend to 19-29-year old, and an elderly dividend to individuals who are 65 or older. The special dividend is aimed at specific populations, such as farmers, fishermen and people with disabilities. The amount of the annual dividend is set at one million Korean won per person (874 US$/person), regardless of the kind of dividend. Lee explained that he finds it feasible to allocate 28 trillion won, which accounts for about 7% of the total budget, to the dividend policy by tightening central government spending.
Lee Jae-myung. Credit to: Bloomberg / Getty Images
Moreover, Mayor Lee has also promised that he will secure a total of 15.5 trillion Korean won (13.6 billion US$) by establishing a new ‘land holding tax’. He argues that the revenue from the land holding tax should be used as a source of a land dividend, which provides an annual dividend of 300,000 won (approximately 255 US dollars) to all citizens of the Republic of Korea. Not only can this tax collect a portion of all rents from real estate publically, it can also help realize the idea of universal basic income. Lee firmly believes that land is a common property for all citizens.
In fact, the Republic of Korea is a country that appreciates the ‘publicness’ of land. The Constitution of the Republic of Korea states, in Article 122, that “The State can fulfill necessary restrictions and obligations related to the efficient and balanced use, development, and preservation of land, which is the basis of production and living of all citizens.” In the past, when the government has attempted to implement policies in the spirit of this clause, the country has witnessed numerous attacks from powerful vested interests, the so-called “top 1%”. Most of the time, the government has thus had to withdraw from such policies. However, Lee Jae-myung is seen as a well-equipped candidate with the ability and courage to fight against the powerful elites in Korea and successfully implement this policy.
Mayor Lee’s ideas about basic income
Lee Jae-myung’s basic income policy combines two ideas of basic income theory: 1) the state is responsible for ensuring the de facto freedom of all citizens; and 2) land, natural resources, the environment, and knowledge are common property that must be shared by all members of society. On these grounds, his basic income policy is thought to have positive prospects and much room for growth, particularly in terms of the payout amount. Thus, proponents of universal basic income around the world should pay attention to Lee Jae-myung in Korea.
If Mayor Lee is elected as the next president of the Republic of Korea and successfully fulfills his campaign promise on basic income policy, he would be able to address many problems currently undermining Korean society, such as income and wealth inequalities, unfair competition, and real estate speculation. Then, Korea might be able to follow a path of inclusive growth, which will eventually lead to a fair and equal society.
About the author:
Gangsoo Jun is a professor of economy at the Catholic University of Daegu, South Korea, and is involved in Lee Jae-Myung policymaking team.
More information at:
Language: Korean
Se-young Lee, “전국민에 연간 130만원 … – 이재명 ‘기본소득 마케팅’ [Annual Dividend of 1,300,000 won to All Citizens … – Lee Jae-Myung ‘Basic Income Marketing’]”, The Hankyoreh, 18 January, 2017.
Language: English
Kang Jin-Kyu, “Seongnam mayor declares presidential bid”, Korea JoongAng Daily, 24 January, 2017.
Hyosang Ahn, “SOUTH KOREA: Seongnam City announced to implement ‘Youth Dividend’”, Basic Income News, 7 October, 2015.
Toru Yamamori, “SOUTH KOREA: Mayor of Seongnam City talks on his plan for ‘Youth Dividend’”, Basic Income News, 15 September, 2015.
by Julen Bollain | Feb 7, 2017 | News
(Picture credit: Counterpunch)
In this article Julie Wark and Daniel Raventós write about why the trade unions do not support an unconditional basic income when “properly understood and administered, basic income could have enormously positive consequences”.
Prior to their discussion of the reasons why trade unions do not support an unconditional basic income, they first try to assess both the normative and the practical questions that must be answered when it comes to speaking about the unconditional basic income.
It is also analyzed the right-wing and left-wing unconditional basic income supporters.
Finally, Their discussion is comprised of a point by point response to the six arguments most often raised by unionists when opposing basic income and after discussing them the article is finishes by saying that unionists “also raise basic issues about what kind of society we should and might be able to have because the underlying human rights concerns are always the same and they affect everybody: freedom, justice and dignity”.
Daniel Raventós is a lecturer in Economics at the University of Barcelona and author inter alia of Basic Income: The Material Conditions of Freedom (Pluto Press, 2007). He is on the editorial board of the international political review Sin Permiso.
Julie Wark is an advisory board member of the international political review Sin Permiso. Her last book is The Human Rights Manifesto (Zero Books, 2013).
More articles by Daniel Raventós and Julie Wark, here.
Read the original article:
Daniel Raventós and Julie Wark, “Why don’t Trade Unions support an Unconditional Basic Income (precisely when they should)?”, Counterpunch, January 11th, 2017
by Jason Burke Murphy | Feb 3, 2017 | Opinion
Basic Income as All-inclusive Democratic Subsidy: Securing the Social Freedom and Economic Power for All People
Written by: Katja Kipping
[A long translator’s note: Katja Kipping is chair of the Left Party (Linkspartei) in Germany and a member of the national parliament. She has served as spokesperson for Germany’s Basic Income Network (Netzwerk Grundeinkommen). Within the Left Party, she organized the “Emancipatory Left” faction and writes for the libertarian socialist magazine “Prague Spring” (Prager Frühling).
Kipping presented this lecture “Grundeinkommen als Demokratiepauschale” at the Basic Income Earth Network Congress in Seoul, Korea, July 19th. She has frequently argued for basic income throughout Germany and has helped organize a “Basic Income faction” that includes most political parties in parliament.
I have translated this with the hope that left organizations worldwide will pay attention to her vision of basic income as a core component for the democratic left. Basic income would provide a clear sign that the left has learned from problems wrought in the past by bureaucracy, technocracy, and authoritarianism. Kipping draws from a constitutional republican tradition of investigating institutions that promote robust citizenship and deliberation. See Casassas and De Wispelaere 2012 and 2015. She also links her hopes with that of the degrowth movement. I see basic income, as Kipping presents it here, as an antidote to alienation and right-populism. Social analysis shows basic income to be part of the design of truly public institutions.
Any lapses in quality or argumentation should be attributed to me.
Please note that Kipping also presented in Dublin at the 12th Basic Income Earth Network Congress in 2008. “Moving to Basic Income (BI) – A left-wing political perspective” can be found at BIEN’s website.
You can a video of Kipping presenting the original German speech at https://bien2016.org/en/video-basic-income-and-politics-of-democracy/.
The text of her speech can be found at: https://www.katja-kipping.de/de/article/1112.grundeinkommen-als-demokratiepauschale.html. ]
Basic Income as All-inclusive Democratic Subsidy
Securing the Social Freedom and Economic Power for All People
Contents
- Social Freedom and Democracy – radical democratic approaches to basic income.
- Economic Might for All – basic Income and democratic institutions
- Closing Remarks on social transformation
1. Social Freedom and Democracy – radical democratic approaches to basic income.
Radical democratic approaches to basic income pay close attention to the connections between people and to their mutual dependencies within a community. The community is here understood as something public and political. It is oriented towards the well-being of all and should be shaped by all. From this it follows that freedom should not be understood as a mere absence of intervention or interference. On the contrary, freedom should be understand as independence over against any arbitrary authority [Fremdherrschaft]. Freedom, in this sense, implies no arbitrary interventions or interference on the part of state institutions and also no possibility of such interventions and interference. Intervention is arbitrary if an intervention comes whenever the intervener wills it.
Freedom, on the other hand, is fulfilled primarily through self-governance. Self-governance is formed by social and individual organization and also by monitoring these potential interventions and the institutions capable of them. Individual freedom, viewed in such an intersubjective political context, is also social freedom. The highest value is active participation of all in the res publica – a collective deliberative democratic self-determination. This naturally implies social equality and the securing of social freedom, which implies preventing any economically grounded dominance and dependency. Laws and institutions also need to reflect, promote, and enable the common good and self-governance. (See Socialist Party South Korea 2009, Patry 2010, Cassasas/De Wispelaere 2012, Cassasas/De Wispelaere 2015).
The following six theses on the establishment of a basic income as an all-inclusive democratic subsidy can be derived from these basic principles of radical democracy and social freedom.
- Basic Income must secure what a political community requires from each citizen in terms of money. This includes securing existence, social participation, and participation in political life. This unconditional guarantee of existence and participation has a monetary component. Non-monetary components also exist, such as free access to public goods, and to public infrastructure and services. These monetary and non-monetary components do not exclude each other but rather they complete one another. Both these monetary and non-monetary forms should, first, provide people socio-economic independence and, second, preserve their status as citizens with economic negotiating power whereby they can participate in the formation of society. Without the adequate safeguarding of free and equal conditions of social participation, no democratic participation is possible – formal possibilities for participation are not enough.
Whoever does not have enough material resources is first of all excluded from political participation and, secondly, doesn’t have enough negotiating power within political processes. This means that basic income, like all vital services, needs to be provided long-term. As I see it, this is not a problem in a time of high productivity and surplus. At most, it is a problem for those who do not want to give up economic privileges and political power. There is enough for all—worldwide!
- From a radical-democratic perspective, the basic income on a regular basis is preferable to single disbursements, like with a stakeholder grant or starting capital. Only regular payments can guarantee a lifelong income and its corresponding participation.
- The right to an unconditional basic income must be combined with a modern understanding of citizenship. A distinction between a majority of citizens and a minority of immigrants with regard to elementary socioeconomic rights and opportunities would lead to a problematic division of the community and a majority’s dominance over a minority.
- From a radical democratic viewpoint, people receive the unconditional basic income as equal members of the political community, not as part of a needy group that depends on the state. Any particular stigmatization of population groups splits the community and is a source for domination. That would still be true with a partial basic income (or transfers that do not secure survival or make social participation possible) that is supplemented by need-tested, income-tested, or asset-tested social benefits in order to reach a sufficient level.
It is clear that a person, who must make him or herself a stigmatized petitioner at the social office has a significantly harder time taking an upright path towards the political formation of the community. As Zygmunt Bauman formulated it: “The decisive argument in favor of the basic income is that it is the conditio sine qua non of a republic, as it can only exist in the union of people with self-confidence, of people without existential anxiety. A basic income which actually secures existence and allows social participation would establish a principle of citizens’ rights, rights that are not subject to a divisive and disqualifying ‘access test’ by need tests.” (Bauman 1999). [Note: this is a translation of the Bauman quote as found in Kipping’s speech. –JBM]
Therefore 5 holds: All citizens only have their rights fully recognized reciprocally through a sufficient basic income. This also means that more affluent citizens are comparatively more likely to contribute to the financing of the basic income than the less well-off citizens. This poses the question of the redistribution of economic resources and economic power.
- Basic income is not tied to any condition. An obligation towards any social or political participation would be sources of new domination. These would enable arbitrary interventions. The question of what makes something socially recognizable, and what does not, opens up a considerable amount of bureaucratic discretion. A citizen’s right to a basic income that included a direct citizen obligation would also transform voluntary engagement into regulated compulsory participation.
I would like to end this section with a quote from a German supporter of basic income who is also a politician. “It is farcical that MEPs [Members of the European Parliament] claim to maintain their substantial independence through relatively high salaries in order to make themselves non-extortionable but most of these deputies do not consider it necessary to ensure such independence and non-blackmail for the sovereign, the people” (Spehr 2003, 105). Basic income’s individual guarantee of a secure existence and participation is, alongside other forms of universal security for people (such as free access to public goods, social infrastructure, and social services), an indispensable prerequisite for social freedom, democratic and political engagement and the negotiating power for all people. It is an all-inclusive democratic subsidy!
2. Economic power for all – basic income and democratic institutions
Whoever says A must also say B. Who calls for basic income so that people can enter the public sphere with negotiating power must also call for the public shaping of our political foundations, economy, and everyday life (see Casassas and De Wispelaere 2012 and 2015). We need this to secure a basic income and other sorts of public services. Arbitrary interferences in human affairs through economic power, by endangering survival, health, and natural resources is not acceptable. An economy that is deprived of public organization, an economy that is privatized, is unacceptable. That also means that an economy and a financial sector that is immune to democratic control and influence is likewise unacceptable.
An imbalance in power through the deprivation of the public (privatization) in one form or another reaches deeply into real political and social power relations and removes the political and therefore citizens from the formation and control of public affairs. On the one hand, this includes power that arises from economic distribution—income, assets, and investment opportunities. This certainly also includes power in the realm of shaping and administering the economy and the financial sector. Who actually determines the use of natural resources, production resources, investment and the way in which economic activities are taxed? Who is exercising an alienated domination over the people today with real, unequally distributed, forms of design and control, and who subjects society and the economy to the will of a minority?
In addition to basic income and other forms of life and of participation for all people, social freedom requires the self-government of the citizens: by means of joint and individual control and appropriate intervention possibilities, which are secured by appropriately democratic institutions. These institutions must give all people the opportunity to shape social and economic life individually and collectively (see Cassasas / De Wispelaere 2015).
Economic power for all means basic income, including other unconditional support for existence. It also means the safeguarding of the economy and society for all and the institutionally secured public and political shaping of the economy and the society by all. This makes a democratic social transformation all the more necessary and urgent. Tomorrow, I am speaking at another conference about the challenge that this entails for the European left.
3. Concluding Remarks on Socio-Ecological Transformation
Poverty and exclusion, power over the many by the few, and destruction of the natural foundations of human life – that is the situation.
The international degrowth movement, which is committed to a world with significantly less natural resource consumption and to a rollback of ecological destruction and damage to our planet, therefore argues for the cohesion of ecology, democracy and social security of all people, and thus for the convergence of the various social movements and political actors (see Blaschke 2016).
It seems to me that only with this complex point of view and a committed relationship between social movements can the challenges of the 21st century be countered. Basic income, which in fact assures material existence and enables social participation, is an important component of a social-ecological transformation, which seeks to also be a democratic transformation!
Literature:
Bauman, Zygmunt (1999), In Search of Politics. Cambridge. Polity Press.
Blaschke, Ronald (2016), Grundeinkommen und Degrowth – Wie passt das zusammen? https://www.degrowth.de/de/2016/02/grundeinkommen-und-degrowth-wie-passt-das-zusammen/
Casassas, David / De Wispelaere, Jurgen (2012), The Alaska Model: A Republican Perspective. In: Karl Widerquist / Michael W. Howard (Ed.): Alaska’s Permanent Fund Dividend. Examining his Suitability as a Model, New York, 169-188.
Casassas, David / De Wispelaere, Jurgen (2015), Republicanism and the political economy of democracy. European Journal of Social Theory, September, 1-18.
Kipping, Katja (2009), Ausverkauf der Politik. Für einen demokratischen Aufbruch, Berlin.
Patry, Eric (2010), Das bedingungslose Grundeinkommen in der Schweiz. Eine republikanische Perspektive, Bern, Stuttgart, Wien.
Socialist Party South Korea, Unconditional Basic Income and General Social Care, Party Program, Supplement No. 1, 2009 (Translation of Socialist Party of South Korea, “Basic Income for All und Universal Welfare”, translation by Min Geum, https://www.grundeinkommen.de/ Content / uploads / 2010/08 / 10-05-22-bge-program-socialist-party-korea-endrb.pdf
Spehr, Christoph (2003), Gleicher als andere. Eine Grundlegung der freien Kooperation, in: Christoph Spehr (Hg.), Gleicher als andere. Eine Grundlegung der freien Kooperation, Berlin, S. 19-115.
Spehr, Christoph (2003), Gleicher als andere. Eine Grundlegung der freien Kooperation, in: Christoph Spehr (Hg.), Gleicher als andere. Eine Grundlegung der freien Kooperation, Berlin, S. 19-115.
Translated by Jason Burke Murphy, Elms College
