Short Answers to BIG FAQs Part 1 of 3

Image via FMDam.org.

Image via FMDam.org.

[The following is an excerpt from a book in progress, The Poverty Abolitionist’s Handbook.]
Someone who offers a question that is really a challenge, like “Why would you believe something like that?”, will likely maintain their attention for about a minute. But someone who asks a more thoughtful question, even in a social situation, will likely maintain their attention a little longer, maybe three to five minutes. Nevertheless, brevity is a virtue, and the shorter the answer, the easier it is to understand and remember. So I have limited the speaking time of all of these answers to two minutes, and most are much shorter than that.

Q: Shouldn’t we lower the cost of a basic income through means testing? How does it make sense for the government to send free money to Bill Gates?
A: The taxes that pay for a basic income are the only sensible means testing, and Bill Gates would pay far more than he received. Means testing is itself a tax on the middle class that traps people in poverty by creating a strong disincentive to work and save for those already at the margins of employment. Means testing a basic income would transform a system of just predistribution into a redistributive welfare program. Means tested welfare programs are a way for the rich to make the middle class pay to stop the poor from revolting.

Q: Can we afford a basic income?
A: The gross domestic income for the United States last year was over $16 trillion and the total population was just under 320 million, giving us a mean average income of more than $50,000 per person. The 1950s and 1960s were known as decades of great economic growth in the United States. For most of the 1950s we had a top marginal income tax rate of 90 percent, and for most of the 1960s we had a top marginal rate of 70 percent. Our current top marginal rate is 39.5 percent. We could fund a basic income of $10,000 per person on top of all our other spending with an across-the-board income tax increase of 20 percent, and our top marginal rate would be 59.5%, still less than during the 1960s. That might not be the entire way we want to fund the basic income, but it does show we can afford it, and the cost would only go down from there as we started to cut now unnecessary welfare programs and began spending less on law enforcement and health care.

Q: What other government programs would we eliminate if we had a basic income?
A: Politics would not end if we had a basic income, and this is a point of contention among basic income advocates. There are socialists who see a basic income as just one of a large number of new government programs they want to implement, and there are libertarians who believe that their arguments for lower taxes, spending, and regulations will be more compelling if there are literally no poor people who need taking care of. But there is a quick and dirty compromise that could be implemented at the initiation of a basic income that would greatly reduce other welfare spending without raising or lowering our current welfare commitments. We could leave all current welfare programs on the books, but declare that the basic income will be treated as “unearned income” for purposes of determining benefits. For a basic income of $10,000 per year, federal SSI spending would cease, and food stamps likely would as well, and subsidies for housing, education, and health care would fall dramatically. Essentially, we would be treating everyone the same as we would now if they all started to receive an annual annuity, because they would.

Q: Wouldn’t giving everyone free money cause severe inflation?
A: It would if we just printed the money and gave it away. But as long as we pay for it through taxes, the money supply would remain stable and it would be no different than if everyone got more money from working. Alaska has a small basic income and there is no evidence that it has affected their inflation rate, nor is there evidence that prices rise when the minimum wage is raised. There is a potential for a basic income to cause a rise in the price of fixed assets such as land, but that is again no different from what would happen if everyone earned more money from wages, and those gains can be recaptured through land taxes.
Potential follow up Q: But if everyone were earning more money from working, wouldn’t the inflationary pressure resulting from greater demand due to higher wages be countered by the deflationary pressure resulting from the increased production due to more work? And wouldn’t giving free money to people who do not work tip that balance?
A: A market economy is not a Field of Dreams: Customers do not come because you build things, rather things get made because customers want them. Most items that would see a surge in demand due to a basic income are food or consumer goods that see reductions in prices from the economics of mass production. The exception would be where a seller has a monopoly, or in the case of fixed assets such as land, which I discussed before. Again, Alaskans do not work for their dividends, and when the minimum wage is raised there is no corresponding rise in production, yet neither of those causes inflation.

Q: Why do you want the government to give able-bodied people the same monetary benefits as the disabled? Shouldn’t people with special needs be entitled to more money to offset their tougher lot in life?
A: No. The communist idea of “to each according to their need” is patronizing in theory and degrading in practice. Currently in the U.S., disability payments are for the survival needs of those who cannot work. They are not intended to compensate for how bad your life is with a disability, and the amount you receive is not determined by what type of disability it is or even how bad it is, as long as it is bad enough that you cannot work. How could it be otherwise? Should a blind person get more or less than a paraplegic? Should a person bedridden from pain six hours per day get twice as much as a person bedridden three hours per day? How do you prove it? Of course, people shouldn’t have to prove their disability. No matter how long for, being bedridden is an awful thing for anyone to go through. It can be extremely difficult for people to remain comfortable, so some people have to get their mattresses changed on their beds more regularly. When doing this, it’s important that carers look for the Best Latex Mattress in Australia, for example, to make sure it will be comfortable and long-lasting. This is so important for anyone who is confined to their bed. They need to be comfortable.

How can you judge who is “disabled enough”, and how do you compare one disability against another? Currently the process of applying for disability is long, arduous, arbitrary, humiliating, and demoralizing. We think we can easily tell who *really* needs our help, when the truth is that many – but certainly not all – people with traditional and obvious disabilities like blindness, deafness, and being confined to a wheelchair lead easier and more fulfilling lives than many people with invisible disabilities like depression, fibromyalgia, or chronic fatigue. Search High Quality Kratom Online – Free Shipping over $100 – Kats Botanicals if you are suffering from ailments like this and are willing to try something a little bit different to treat them. We force people who cannot work to convince skeptical judges about how pitiful their lives are and then we label them as being either lazy frauds or useless burdens. You really cannot know what another person’s life is like. You don’t know what goes on behind closed doors. Not least the silent battles that those closest to you deal with on an almost daily basis. For all you know, your next-door neighbor has been advised to take the best CBD products on the market because their stress and anxiety levels have completely taken over their lives. When it comes down to it, it’s impossible to know how others live their lives. To make someone prove they are disabled is to make them convince themselves they have no hope.
Health insurance should include paying for specific items that are needed for a specific disability, such as a motorized wheelchair for someone with severe neuropathy or para-transit services for people with epileptic seizures that make it dangerous to drive. But for our basic living expenses, we all deserve them equally, and no one should be forced to prove it, especially if it is the difference between whether or not they would be able to access buildings, since some people may require the aid of a portable wheelchair platform lift to come in and out of their homes and places of work. This type of equipment is essential for day to day living.

Q: If we gave everyone an unconditional income, would not some people just waste it, or spend it on stuff that is bad for them?

Confrontational answer: Maybe. It is their money. Do you want everyone telling you what to do with your money?
Likely follow up: But it’s *my* money. It is the money that I pay in taxes that will go to the people who do not work.
Confrontational response: First, probably not. Unless you earn significantly more than median income, you will likely be a net *recipient* of the basic income. Second, the taxes you pay are your fee for the benefits of government, such as infrastructure, protection of your life and property, and use of legal structures such as contracts, corporations, and various forms of property. Your basic income is part of your personal dividend as an equal owner of the government. Do you worry about whether your landlord will misspend what you pay for rent, or whether McDonald’s will misspend what you pay for a Big Mac?

Utilitarian answer: Maybe. But there is no evidence that the government can run people’s lives better than they can run their own. The government can cause people to make better decisions by educating them and providing resources. But when the government imposes regulations, demands paperwork, and takes enforcement action against people, the burden and stress discourages personal improvement. And experiments with direct cash transfers to the poor show they often come up with useful and responsible things to do with the money that the experts never thought of. Finally, the sanction of taking away money is counter productive. Becoming homeless almost never causes addicts to give up drugs, teenagers to study more, or the overweight to buy more nutritious foods.

Q: Wouldn’t a lot of people just stop working if they received free money?
A: Would you? A major goal of the basic income is to eliminate the poverty trap of welfare by paying people whether they work or not. Most lottery winners work. Most trust fund babies work. Basic income trials for families in poverty in the U.S. in the 60s and 70s did show a 14% work reduction. The largest cause of the reduction were teenagers who stopped working and secondary workers who became homemakers; these reductions were likely responsible for the extraordinary gains in education and health outcomes produced by the cash grants. Some primary workers with two jobs quit one, and unemployed workers took longer to find work, perhaps being more picky about finding a job that paid better and suited their skills more. Not a single case was found of a primary worker quitting all jobs and living solely off the basic income. In fact, the primary workers in recipient families still worked more than full time on average. More recent cash transfer experiments in nations with extreme poverty such as Uganda have shown *increases* in work, as people without jobs often use the money to start their own businesses. The pattern seems to be that almost all people want to spend a significant amount of time engaged in productive work, and a significant amount of time in leisure activities, and they will use whatever money they have to achieve that balance.

Q: It seems like you are striving for a BIG at a level to satisfy Maslow’s first two tiers (Physical and Safety needs). If those two are met without effort what is the incentive for a person to be societally productive instead of simply working on fulfilling their higher tier needs?
A: The ideal level of a needs-based basic income would include access to some things that go beyond Maslow’s first two levels in a strict sense, but could be conceived as being included in them in the modern world, such as transportation, communication, and gyms and parks. But roughly, yes, we would be looking at providing the first two tiers on the hierarchy.
The higher level needs are things that the government can not, or should not, provide for people. The only way the government can provide self-esteem to individuals is to give them privileges that elevate them over others. In past times and places, some people have be able to meet their self-esteem needs simply by remembering that they are an aristocrat or a Roman citizen or a Catholic or a man or a white person. But in a legally egalitarian market society, the primary path to self-esteem is financial independence. People working on meeting their self-esteem needs in a market society will want to achieve financial independence far beyond simply having their survival and safety needs met, and they will be the primary candidates for doing all of the jobs needed by society, but only at the fair wages that will not hurt their self-esteem by making them feel exploited, which they would be willing to work at to meet survival and safety needs.
Self-actualization needs are highly idiosyncratic, and whether people working on fulfilling those needs will do other productive work society demands depends on the requirements of their respective projects. If fulfilling your self-actualization needs requires you to write a novel, you can probably live off of your basic income, and you may not be motivated to do other work. If your self-actualization requires you to sail a boat to the Galapogos Islands, you probably will be motivated to go earn some extra cash. For some, their self-actualization involves building a business. These people will be actively seeking out needs of society to fill.
Those who reach transcendence will be devoting most of their time to helping society almost by definition.

Book review: Peter Barnes, With Liberty and Dividends for All: How to save our middle class when jobs don’t pay enough

Peter Barnes, With Liberty and Dividends for All: How to save our middle class when jobs don’t pay enough, Berret-Koehler Publishers, 2014, 1 62656 214 1, pbk, xii + 174 pp, £13.99

There are not enough well-paid jobs to sustain a large middle class, and Peter Barnes offers as a solution to this problem the idea that co-owned wealth could pay dividends to everyone. The Alaska Permanent Fund is the model, and the inspiration is Thomas Paine’s Agrarian Justice, in which Paine proposes an equal distribution of the income generated by the property which belongs to all of us. This is the ‘co-owned property’ that is at the heart of Barnes’ proposal; and he extends the meaning of the economist’s term ‘rent’ to include payments made to all of us in recognition of the uses that are made of our co-owned wealth.

Drivers of the changed outlook for the United States’ middle class – and the middle classes of all developed nations – are globalization, automation, and deunionization. The effect of all three of these is to reduce the proportion of the proceeds of production going to labour, and to increase the proportion going to the owners of capital ( – the main point made by Thomas Piketty in his book Capital). Economic stimulus, education, and job creation, might ameliorate the situation slightly in the short term, but automation, globalization and deunionization will defeat them in the end, as will the fact that the economic system quickly magnifies small differences in wealth into sizeable inequalities. As Barnes suggests, the system needs to be fixed, not the symptoms. One particular change that is required is that means-tested benefits need to be replaced by universal ones, but the most important change is that the rent that owners extract from assets that belong to all of us (‘extracted rent’) should be distributed to everyone (‘recycled rent’) as a Citizen’s Income

Barnes suggests several types of co-owned wealth that could be made to generate the income to pay for a Citizen’s Income: the money infrastructure, the electromagnetic spectrum, sovereign wealth funds generated by extraction royalties (as in Alaska and Norway), and the atmosphere ( – rather than ‘cap and trade’, Barnes recommends ‘cap and dividend’, in which anyone who pollutes the atmosphere has to pay, and in which what they pay is redistributed as Citizen’s Incomes).

This is a very American book, and the context in view is always the USA. For Barnes, it is the middle class that needs to be cared for, and, by implication, not the rest. The situation looks very different in the UK. Here we have a generally more egalitarian society ( – compare the universal NHS with the United States’ differentiated health systems), and the ways in which a Citizen’s Income would benefit everyone will be higher up the UK’s agenda than would be the protection of the middle class. But having said that, this is an engaging introduction to a Citizen’s Income and to how we might pay for it. Something similar for the UK and for other European countries would be welcome.

AUDIO: City Hall, “Has the Time Come for Universal Basic Income?”

From their website:

“Universal basic income—the idea that people should be paid simply for being alive—is gaining attention in many different sectors. It is being talked about by right-wing libertarians and far-left socialists, by high-tech venture capitalists and inside-the-Beltway think tanks. But is it really feasible in the United States? If so, how, and when?

This discussion occurred at Civic Hall in New York City on May 26, 2015. The panel includes:

Peter Barnes is a co-founder of Working Assets/CREDO, a social entrepreneur, and the author of several books. His With Liberty and Dividends for All explains how a form of universal basic income, modeled on the Alaska Permanent Fund, could provide living wage while helping to prevent catastrophic climate change.

Natalie Foster is a fellow at Institute for the Future and co-founder of Peers.org. Before that she was CEO of Rebuild the Dream and led the digital work of Organizing for America, the Sierra Club, and MoveOn.org.

Michael Lewis is a professor at the Silberman School of Social Work at Hunter College in New York City, where he has studied the possible impacts of universal basic income schemes on the economy and the environment. He is a member of the coordinating committee of the U.S. Basic Income Guarantee Network.

Nathan Schneider has reported on universal basic income proposals in tech culture for Vice magazine and is a longtime chronicler of social movements. His most recent book is Thank You, Anarchy: Notes from the Occupy Apocalypse.”

City Hall, “Has the Time Come for Universal Basic Income?”, 26 May 2015.

CHINA: Macau residents to receive annual basic income

CHINA: Macau residents to receive annual basic income

The government of Macau, a semi-autonomous city in China, has announced that this year’s “Wealth Partaking Scheme” (WPS) will distribute 9,000 Macanese Pataca (about US$1127) to each permanent resident and 5,400 Macanese Pataca (about US$676) for each non-permanent resident.

The only condition is to have a valid or renewable resident identity card delivered by the City of Macau.

The WPS is a Macanese government program that has distributed a yearly dividend to Macanese residents since 2008. A total of 675,696 people will receive the dividend, most of whom (607,465) will receive the full amount. The size of the dividend is the same as in 2014, but the number of recipients has increased by 40,000.

The WPS is essentially a small basic income, similar to the Alaska dividend. It is mean to ensure that all Macanese share the benefits of the region’s economic development to help mitigate the effects of inflation.


 

Credit picture: CC Kevin Jaako

For more information about the WPS see:

Kam Leong, “Wealth Partaking Scheme Susceptible,” Macau Business Daily, June 19, 2015.

Wikipedia, “Wealth Partaking Scheme,” Wikipedia: the free encyclopedia, accessed June 29, 2015.

Karl Widerquist, “MACAU: Government Distributes Temporary Basic Income,” Basic Income News, August 23, 2014.

A check for the Wealth Partaking Scheme in 2008

UNITED STATES: Trust fund approach to basic income aims to take edge off political culture war

 

Lawyer Joseph Chloupek has put forward a proposal for a US sovereign wealth fund that would provide a basic income of US$25,000 a year. The proposed approach aims to establish a political-economic modus vivendi between liberals and conservatives by giving each side something “they say they desire”.

The proposal’s starting point would be to “eliminate all tax exemptions secretly written into the tax code” whereupon the proceeds would be invested into a national trust account paying out an inflation-adjusted $25,000 a year at intervals chosen by the recipient. Alternatively, new legislation could direct the Fed to deposit US$10 trillion directly into the fund, according to Chloupek.

Chloupek also advocates that all income-based taxes for individuals and organizations are replaced with a 5% tax on all transactions cleared through the banking system, echoing the automated payment transaction tax advocated by Wisconsin professor Edgar Feige. Chloupek argues that this would help the supply of products and services match the increased demand generated by the BIG. This in turn mitigates inflationary and business-cycle pressures, both sources of current economic problems in the United States.

In this way, Chloupek’s plan explicitly aims to provide “non-paternalistic help for people’s income fluctuations for liberals, and real incentives to invest and work for conservatives.”

The mechanism of Chloupek’s trust-fund proposal is based on Alaska’s permanent fund dividend program, where state-owned oil revenue is invested in a diversified worldwide portfolio.

Chloupek’s proposal also shares characteristics with the theoretical pragmatic market socialism analysis put forward by Professor James A. Yunker in 1993. Last year, the trust fund approach joined the intellectual mainstream when Foreign Affairs ran an essay entitled “Print less but transfer more”.

Chloupek also references British economist James E. Meade’s “topsy-turvy nationalization” idea whereby government takes a 50% share of all publicly traded stocks and pays a social dividend from earnings to all citizens. The “pension-fund socialism” feared by corporate thinker Peter Drucker can be avoided by “the government being prohibited from exercising voting rights control of the businesses invested in, similar to the Federal Reserve’s employee pension fund,” according to Chloupek.
For further reading on this topic see:

Mark Blyth and Eric Lonergan, “Print less but transfer more,” Foreign Affairs, September-October 2014

James A. Yunker, “Capitalism versus Pragmatic Market Socialism,” Springer Science+Business Media New York , 1993