by Citizens' Income Trust | Feb 6, 2015 | Opinion
Bob Deacon, Global Social Policy in the Making: The foundations of the social protection floor, Policy Press, 2013, xii + 218 pp, 1 4473 1233 8, hbk, £70, 1 4473 1234 5, pbk, £24.99
In a world in which so many bad things happen, and in which so much media and academic reporting is of bad news, it is a real pleasure to read a good news story well told: for that is what this book is – a well-written report of a piece of very good news: that in 2012 the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the G20 agreed a proposal for global social protection floors (adapted to the circumstances of each country).
So the book is in effect a single extended case study: and as the story is told we discover the internal dynamics of the ILO and of other international organisations, the relationships between the international institutional actors, and the other influences that led to the recommendation.
Of particular interest is a handful of individuals whose personal interests were particularly significant as the social protection floor policy evolved. Some of these individuals were in leadership positions in the ILO, but some were simply in significant positions in the organisation at the right time to reinforce existing trends. So, for instance, Deacon charts how an appreciation of the benefits of universal social provision had re-emerged as a neoliberal means-tested safety-net stance began to reveal its disbenefits, and how an influence on this process was Guy Standing’s work as head of a relevant departmental subsection. But however significant individuals might have been, the logic of the changing context comes across as an even more significant factor. The ILO’s focus was, and still is, on ‘labour’, so social insurance schemes have understandably received more attention than other social security provision. The increasing precarity of the labour market (another focus of Guy Standing’s work) has revealed the inadequacy of social insurance as the only or main social security mechanism, and has also revealed the benefits that universal benefits and services might offer.
Much of the book is about which organisation did or said what, and if this kind of narrative does not interest you then by all means skim some of this material: but don’t miss the way in which individuals, context and alliances can generate significant change within organisations such as the ILO; and don’t miss the ways in which one changing organisation can, in the midst of a changing social and economic context, contribute to change in other organisations – including the World Bank, where a process of change was facilitated by a change of leadership at the same time as the context and the ILO were changing.
The case study is of course a particular one, but it offers more general lessons, and Deacon is right to suggest that the study provides evidence for an ‘ASIP’ understanding of social policy formation: ‘agency, structure, institutions and discourses’ (p.143). If all four factors are moving in the same direction then policy might well change.
Social policy both will and must become more global: it will, because organisations that relate closely to each other increasingly behave like each other; and it must, because labour market, economic and social change will continue to be influenced by globalisation and by global financial institutions. This book is an excellent preparation for further study of globalising social policy, not only of the specific principles represented by the social protection floor recommendation – ‘universality of protection, based on social solidarity; entitlement to benefits prescribed by national law; non-discrimination …’ etc. (p.98) – but also of the factors affecting a direction of travel.
The story related here suggests a trajectory in the direction of universal provision. It will be interesting to see whether the trajectory can be maintained; and also whether the lessons will be learnt in relation to social security benefits. Increasing labour market precarity means that social insurance schemes will be increasingly irrelevant; the disincentives and other disbenefits of means-tested systems will be increasingly obvious; and universal benefits will be increasingly relevant. If this discourse becomes more widespread, if sufficient numbers of people in significant positions understand it, and if institutions and structures find themselves moving in more universalist directions, then we could well see a Citizen’s Income either nationally or regionally sooner than we might think.
by Unconditional Basic Income Europe | Jan 31, 2015 | Opinion
The European Central Bank’s attempt to counter-attack deflationary pressure by giving banks funds raised through QE is doomed to be both ineffective and anti-redistributive. The ECB must consider more unconventional policies if it hopes to get the real economy going again.
Press release by our affiliate Unconditional Basic Income Europe (january 23, 2015)
Update November 2015:
UBI-Europe is one of the 20 organisations that have joined the campaign “Quantitative Easing for People.” Citizens and organisations can join the campaign here: www.qe4people.eu
At the announcement of its quantitative easing program yesterday, the ECB showed that it has learned nothing from recent quantitative easing programs in the UK and the US, where the effects of QE on the real economy has produced no significant results.
“The experience of the US shows that QE is useful to the real economy only when they are combined with expansionary fiscal policies. In Europe, the idea is to combine QE with austerity policies, guaranteed to offset any potential benefits of QE. So, in the absence of a radical change in the eurozone’s fiscal stance, we expect the depression to continue.” said Thomas Fazis, member of UBI-Europe, referring to the conclusion of a recent paper he wrote.
Quantitative Easing is anti-redistributive
At its worst, such a program could increase inequalities. As the Bank of England itself concluded in a recent research paper (pdf): “By pushing up a range of asset prices, asset purchases have boosted the value of households’ financial wealth held outside pension funds, but holdings are heavily skewed with the top 5% of households holding 40% of these assets.”
In short: this QE benefits the rich, not the poor.
There is an alternative: Quantitative Easing for the People
Unconditional Basic Income Europe calls the ECB for an alternative monetary policy such as distributing QE money directly to the pockets of citizens.
“QE for the people is not just a more efficient approach for directly stimulating the real economy, it is also more fair in the current context of deep social inequalities and the rise of extreme poverty in the eurozone. By doing so, the ECB could target two objectives at once.” Thomas Fazi said.
This might sound radical, yet many economists such as Anatole Kaletsky and Steve Keen have backed the idea.
Several proposals for such a policy have emerged recently, notably from Oxford economist John Muellbauer and the chief European economist for the French investment bank Natixis, Sylvain Broyer. Muellbauer calls distributing 500€ to every citizen in the Eurozone, while Broyer’s proposal amounts to 3,000€.
The amount of QE money unveiled yesterday by the ECB could, alternatively, fund a €2100 annual cheque to all residents of the eurozone.
“Such a policy could be a pragmatic, direct pathway towards an unconditional basic income for all in the eurozone. It would set a precedent.” UBI-Europe’s coordinator Stanislas Jourdan said. “Where citizens can be counted on to spend, banks have not shown with previous QE programmes that they can be counted on to lend.”
Quantitative Easing for the People would not violate EU Treaties
“As opposed to having the ECB financing governments and public entities, handing cash directly to the citizens is not explicitly prohibited by the EU Treaties.” Thomas Fazi explained.
Moreover, such a program would be far more protective of the independence of the ECB. By targeting the quantitative easing money to all citizens without distinction, the institution could not be blamed for interfering with governments.
by Liam Upton | Jan 18, 2015 | Opinion
This is an interview with Nick Barlow, founder of the ‘Liberal Democrats for Basic Income’ group, you can read an article about the group here.
BINews: What stage is the Basic Income Liberal Democrat group at now and where do you see it going in the next 5 or so years?
Nick Barlow: We’re still very much at the coming together stage (top tip: don’t try organising a new group just before the Christmas break) and about getting the idea out there and discussed.(see this article for instance). There’s no formal structure to the group yet beyond an email list and a Facebook group, but people are joining up.
Realistically, I think the key time for basic income supporters in the party is going to be after the general election, when I think people will be looking at how we move forward and develop the party in the coming years. I would hope that in some point within the next couple of years we’d be able to take a proposal to party conference to be debated.
BINews: What makes you think the Liberal Democrats are particularly suited to adopt the policy of Basic Income?
Nick: First, because it was party policy before between 1990 and 94, and it was also suggested and discussed (usually alongside Land Value Tax) in the old Liberal Party.
I think there’s a need for a liberalism in the twenty-first century that understands a lot more has to be done to ensure positive liberty. For me, a basic income is a way of ensuring that basic level of provision for everyone which enables them to be free and to give them power. If we are serious about freeing people from poverty, ignorance and conformity – the party’s purpose, according to its constitution – then a basic income is one of the best ways of doing that.
BINews: What steps do you think are necessary for the idea to gain traction within the party and eventually be adopted?
Nick: First, I think we need to build awareness and challenge some of the preconceptions against basic income. A lot of people (in the party and society as a whole) just aren’t aware of the idea, so there’s work to be done in making people realise it is possible. In a wider sense, I think there needs to be a wider discussion about the future of the party and how people see liberalism. Basic income is just one idea that the party could adopt if it wants to be different, but we first have to answer the question of whether we strike out and be different, or just go for a centrist position.
BINews: Do you envisage it being adopted by the party within the next 10-15 years?
Nick: I think it’s entirely possible it could be adopted by the party within five years, if the party is willing to try a new direction.
BINews: What impact do you think the adoption of Basic Income would have on support for the party?
Nick: It’s very hard to say, because there’d obviously be a lot of negative publicity from the mainstream press, especially given the current coverage of anything to do with benefits, but it would open up a lot of potential new support (and reclaimed old support) who are people interested in doing things differently, As a key idea to show how we’re different from the big two parties, it would stand out, but the party would have to be willing to take the flak that comes with it in order to stand out.
If you look back at the party’s manifesto in 1992, basic income (Citizen’s Income as it was branded then) wasn’t just one policy, it was part of a wide-ranging set of policies that would have reshaped the whole relationship between the individual and the state. It was that commitment to doing things differently that I think helped rally the party from the low points of the late 80s and helped it recover.
BINews: Do you see the idea of Basic Income becoming a mainstream idea in British politics in the near future?
Nick: I think it’s unlikely in the short term, just because of the sheer level of demonisation the very concept of benefits is receiving at the moment. I think to get more widespread acceptance of basic income needs not just that to change, but for people to be more aware of how the way the economy works has changed. I’ve written before about the concept of ‘workism’, and how we fetishise the idea of people having to work, and that’s deeply rooted in our culture.
Basic income isn’t just a small adjustment to the system, it’s about a much more fundamental change than other policies, and to make it mainstream means a whole lot of wider attitudes need to change. To get back to the point, one of the reasons for looking to start a Liberal Democrats for Basic Income group was to help promote the debates and discussions we need to have, and keep having, to get the idea more widespread attention. Shifting widely-held attitudes takes a long time and a lot of conversations.
by Stanislas Jourdan | Dec 1, 2014 | Opinion
Yoland Bresson (1942-2014), one of the prominent advocate for basic income in France passed away during the summer.
A tribute by Jacques Berthillier originally published in French. Translated and adapted by Stanislas Jourdan.
In 1971, Yoland Bresson worked as an economist for the Concorde aircraft project, and observes a surprising fact: those who have more control over time and personal schedule are those with more financial resources (and those who are more likely to book flights on Concorde airlines). Moreover, people’s resources increase over time because freedom and time allow to take advantage from commercial discounts, and get access to social conditions which allow to escape from constrained social time.
Yoland started to dedicated himself into studying those notions until he found the theory linking spare time with income, which he published in 1981, and developped in the book ‘Post-Salariat’ in 1984. A conclusion emerged from this theory: the value of time is the value of the minimum income, the poverty line from which individuals become economically integrated. Therefore, we should distribute to people the monetary equivalent of the unit of time.
In 1986, Yoland Bresson was invited by Philippe van Parijs to participate to the very first meeting in Louvain-la-Neuve (Belgium) where BIEN was founded.
Later on, he was contacted by Henri Guitton, reknown economist and very enthusiast reader of Bresson’s books. They decided together to found a working group around those concepts. After a series of meetings at the Polytechnic University, the “association for an existence income” (AIRE) was created. They insisted on the notion of ‘income’ as opposed to ‘allocation’ [allowance] because an income is linked with the contribution to the creation of wealth, while a social allwoance is refers to the notion of assistance. Indeed, every single exchange of time contributed to the creation of wealth, as Bresson proclaimed.
First, Henri Guitton was president of the AIRE, then Yoland Bresson replaced him after Guitton died. The association was striving for the instauration of an ‘existence income’, it explored the idea in order for all citizens and politicians to embrace it.
Since then, the AIRE kept spreading the idea. It notably organised a BIEN Congress at Paris Saint-Maur in 1992, a colloque at Cedias on june 12th 1996, and two other ones at the French National Assembly: one on November 26th, 1998, with more than 300 participants. Finally; and the second one on june 23rd 2004 with the sponsorship from Christine Boutin (Christian-Democrats leader).
In 2012, when the European Citizens’ Initiative for Unconditional Basic Income started to be organised, Bresson immediatly supported the efforts deployed by a new generation of activists. He partners his association with the launch of a new website revenudebase.info which resulted in the creation of the French Movement for a Basic Income, a new association which broadly federates all those who push for the idea of a basic income. Yoland Bresson had the wisdom and open-mindness necessary to trust the young new blood who made the movement grow.
Yoland Bresson also played an international role in the promotion of basic income, notably through his interventions in the french-speaking african countries, and until recently in Bulgaria. Shortly before he died on august 22nd 2014, he was invited for a conference at the Polish Parliament.
His contribution as an economist also include his last proposal: the creation of a eurofranc, a new national currency complementary with the euro currency. His idea was to unleash the possibility to finance a basic income with money creation, without transgressing the Lisbon Treaty – which would result in leaving the eurozone. Such scheme was set to be temporary, allowing a smooth transition for the introducion of a basic income.
If this very innovative (and even revolutionary) proposal was adopted, the introduction of a basic income would be facilitated, and the economic activity would be simultaneously stiumulated.
Following Yoland Bresson’s decease, we have received a very large number of letters expressing sympathy, esteem and gratitude to Yoland and his family. It would not be possible to publish all of them, but there is one we would like to communicate. The one from BIEN’s founder Philippe van Parijs:
Yoland was present at the founding Assembly of BIEN in 1986. Until now he remained a loyal camarade of thoughts and struggle. Like others before and after him, he passed away without witnessing the achievement of a proposal he kept believing. Nonetheless, the day when his country as elsewhere eventually will implement the basic income, we will owe him and others with such personalities »
by Stanislas Jourdan | Nov 25, 2014 | Opinion
Last month, the Icelandic Pirate Party made a significant move in order to create discussion in Iceland about basic income by submitting a resolution to the national parliament. While the proposed resolution remains to be discussed, we have contacted its author Halldóra Mogensen, Deputy MP of the Pirate Party of Iceland in order to get to know more about her initiative.
Can you tell us more about the Icelandic context in regards to basic income?
There is very little awareness of the ideas behind the unconditional basic income (UBI) in Iceland. There are a couple of groups that I know of that have put UBI on their agenda. One is Alda, Association for Sustainability and Democracy, the other is the Icelandic Humanist Party which ran in the 2013 national elections.
The best literature I have come across so far on UBI in Icelandic is a bachelors essay (pdf) written in 2013 by Bragi Þór Antoníusson. The essay looks at the UBI from an Icelandic point of view and attempts to calculate costs and benefits of introducing such a system in Iceland. The calculations however were incomplete due to the lack of transparency in government accounts.
I recently sat in parliament for two weeks as a deputy for Pirate Party MP Helgi Hrafn Gunnarsson and used the opportunity to, amongst other things, ask the health minister and the housing and welfare minister for a written account of the total operational costs of the entire welfare system. The answers will help give us a better idea of the feasibility of introducing a UBI in Iceland.
Why is the Icelandic Pirate Party interested in the idea of basic income – and how did you come up with this resolution?
There are other Icelandic Pirates who are very interested in UBI ideas but it has never really been discussed on any proper channels within the party. I am a proponent of taking an holistic approach in all issues. As a society I feel we spend too much time and effort treating symptoms when we should be looking at the root disease causing these symptoms. I feel UBI has the possibility of addressing the root cause of the inequality and dysfunctional democracy we face as a society.
When I received the news of my short entrance into parliament my original thought was to write a speech about poverty and inequality and to touch upon the subject of UBI as a possible solution when Aðalheiður Ámundadóttir, human rights lawyer and employee of the Icelandic Pirate Party, suggested that I write a proposal instructing the housing and welfare minister along with the finance minister to put together a team to research the UBI idea. I delved into the project and rallied together individuals who have been writing about UBI in Iceland and sought out their help in writing the proposal (here on the parliament’s website).
What sort of reactions have you received so far?
Mostly curiosity, especially from other MP’s. Apart from Pirates MP’s who were very enthusiastic about the idea, other Icelandic MPs were very hesitant to sponsor the proposal but found the idea to be interesting and positive. No one I spoke with had heard of UBI before, and that most likely explains their hesitation. Hopefully the proposal will spark an interest in gathering more information on the subject.
What are the chance for the resolution to pass?
I have to admit that I am not incredibly hopeful that the proposal will pass, it might never even go to the vote. The first step in the process is for me to speak on behalf of the proposal in parliament after which time it will go to a committee to be discussed. The committee will then decide whether the proposal gets put through to a parliamentary discussion. After two rounds of spoken discussions there could be a vote.
This being said the main goal of writing this proposal was to start the conversation, not only in parliament but in the community. I wanted people to get acquainted with the ideas behind the UBI and start the conversation in Iceland, and to me this was the first step on that journey.
Can you tell us more on how you got into the idea of basic income?
I really cant remember how I got into the idea of basic income. I read a lot and spend time around strange, radical minded people I guess! I have enjoyed following the discussion going on in Europe and seeing the idea gaining support. I was very excited to see UBI being discussed in The Economist, going into the main stream is a big step. I am also very hopeful for the Swiss elections on a basic income. All of this international coverage seeps into the Icelandic conversation but there is a need for more literature in Icelandic. I hope to see this happen in the near future as the idea gains support.
Halldóra Mogensen, thank you!
by BIEN | Nov 11, 2014 | Opinion
FORWARD: The following article is nonfiction story by Diane Pagen, a Basic Income activist and social worker from the New York area. It chronicles an attempt to give a Christmas basket to families of students at a school in an underprivileged neighborhood in the Bronx. The article doesn’t mention basic income directly; yet, the story makes the need for some form of basic income guarantee extremely clear. The attempt to do good is filled with all that is wrong with both contemporary charity and the contemporary welfare system. People want to help, but they end up wasting most of what they give, humiliating the people they want to help, giving people things they don’t need, and inspiring feelings of resentment in those left out. The author even discusses how much more effective they could have been buy simply giving cash to every family at the school without attempting to judge them or imposing the desires of the givers on the receivers.
-Karl Widerquist, editor BI News, Hot Springs, Virginia, December 30, 2013
It’s Christmastime. Children’s pictures of Santa Claus and stockings made from red construction paper, glue and cotton balls hang on my office door. My small, windowless office is in the back of our school. I turn the key and sit right down, still in my coat. I am the social worker. The sweet murmurings of children’s voices are reassuring and familiar.
There are many little schools like this one, peppering the neighborhoods of the Bronx, Brooklyn and Queens, where so many of the parents are low-income and so many of the children thought to be “at risk.” “At risk” is really an abbreviation for a situation so unpleasant that no one wants to say it. “At risk” makes it that we don’t have to. It really means poor. It really means that the children are at risk for all of the problems that come from being poor. Imagine having to say, “children at risk for malnutrition, learning problems, overcrowding, behavioral problems, dying from exposure in an apartment with no heat, homelessness, fires started by lit candles and defective space heaters….” In so far as “at risk” implies an outcome that has not happened yet, it is a deceptive term, changing the verb tense so that the child’s present and actual state of malnourishment, homelessness, and despair are made to sound like a future possibility that enough middle class interventions, and charity, can prevent. Nothing brings up feelings of wanting to intervene with “at risk” children more than Christmas, a time where music, money, guilt, snow, religion and good intentions form a perfect storm.
My colleague, Roberta, the school psychologist, comes and leans against my doorway. Today, she says, we are going to be asked to suspend our therapy sessions with the kids so as to help the school to put together Christmas baskets for some of their families. There will be a meeting in a few minutes, once the kids are in class, to talk about how it will work.
We’re sitting in the basement, where we have all our meetings. Five of my colleagues are there, including the school psychologist, the occupational therapist, the school’s coordinator, our school nurse. The principal presides. “As you know,” she says, “many of our families are at risk. Many of our families do not have enough money to buy what they need for the Christmas holiday. So I have decided that we can do something about this by putting together Christmas baskets for the neediest of them. Each of the six teachers is going to give us the name of the neediest family in her class. The baskets will be filled with a ham, some canned food, a bag of rice, cookies, and something special like face mounted acrylic prints of their child’s school photo, which many families could not afford to buy when school photos were being sold at the start of the year. We will wrap them up and decorate them with a few ornaments, and give them out next week at the school Christmas party.” It had all been decided.
“How are we going to get the food for the baskets?” Maria, the school coordinator, wanted to know, since it was likely she was expected to coordinate it.
“At ten today, Frank will drive all of you over to the supermarket in his SUV.” Frank was the speech therapist. “You’ll work in pairs and buy all of the items. Then you’ll stop over at the Kingsbridge Target and find some big baskets. We’ll wrap everything up in the afternoon. We’ll keep the hams in the freezer until the day of the party. No one will do therapy sessions today to give us a chance to get this done.”
“How will we know that the family picked is really one that needs help the most?” I asked.
“Like I said, the teachers will decide,” the principal said.
My colleague, the school psychologist, stood up first when the meeting was over.
“Carajo,” she said.
We piled into Frank’s SUV at 1 o’clock. The plan got complicated when the principal realized that the school nurse usually helped the teachers serve lunch. Frank and the naturally nervous occupational therapist Marina split off in search of hams. In the enormous supermarket, I felt disoriented. It was not a neighborhood supermarket, small and navigable, but a “food warehouse” just off the Major Deegan Expressway, in the space between two neighborhoods, belonging really to neither one. The aisles were wide with limited signage, and the ceilings high enough to hold a commercial jet. Merengue music blared from speakers and bounced off the concrete walls. It wasn’t heated. It took me twenty minutes to locate the canned vegetables, and we got canned yams and canned spinach. I settled on a low-sodium variety-100 mg instead of 250. In a pathetic attempt at cultural sensitivity, I added six packets of dried beans. Unable to decide on which, I picked pink ones. I tracked down my friend and assigned partner, Roberta, growing irritable in another aisle, trying to use the calming techniques she taught the children on herself. I knew she was thinking about the work on her desk, back at the school. I was about to say something when she interrupted me by finding the canned cranberry sauce. She reached out and threw six cans of it into the shopping cart, and they clattered helplessly against the metal.
“These families are mostly Dominican and Puerto Rican,” she said. Roberta was Puerto Rican herself. “We don’t eat crap out of cans. We would never eat this sh** in Puerto Rico.” I had suggested the same, in different words, to the school coordinator, privately after the morning meeting. It was true, she had said, but buying things like fresh vegetables and a bag of fresh cranberries was not practical for us, because we wouldn’t be able to store it before next week’s Christmas party. It was complicated enough that we were going to have to put the hams in at the last minute. The “for us” lingered in my head.
All of us, from the speech therapist turned chauffeur to the psychologist turned cynical shopper managed to find each other at an exit flanked by beer crates piled high on either side, after paying with the cash we’d been given. $600 total. In all, we were in the warehouse one hour and forty minutes. Way past lunchtime, none of us had eaten. We still had to stop at Target to get the baskets. Everyone was tired and worried about the time. The short winter day was evaporating over the Harlem River. So we decided to try the local stores. The largest baskets were way more expensive than the money allotted for. They were pretty, but about $20 each. Then Frank came up with a solution.
We went to the 99 cents store on Fordham Road. We located and bought six plastic “giant” laundry baskets. They weren’t pretty, and unfortunately there were no red or green ones to make them look more Christmas-y. There wasn’t white either, which was at least neutral. We settled on yellow. It was the only color they had.
When we got back to the school, the kids had been dismissed already. The teachers and the principal were in one of the front classrooms, talking about which six families out of 53 were the poorest. Someone was suggesting we call each one and ask them their income and go by that. “It’s the only way to know for sure.” Someone else said if the parent knew what it was for, they might lie so they could get a basket of free food. Someone else said we should choose the families with the most kids, to which one teacher objected that that was rewarding having too many kids while poor. Someone said we should only pick single mother families, to assure that we got the poorest in the lot. Given the statistical reality that the poorest families are single mother families, this idea made some sense. Eventually, it was acknowledged that no matter who was chosen, every family in the school was so poor, it didn’t really matter who got picked. A teacher said that we should definitely pick the family of the little girl whose parents were known to have HIV. They were not just poor, the teacher reasoned, but very sick, too. Some nodded. The principal objected. “They have plenty of money. Did you see the beautiful winter coat she’s been wearing to school?”
The talk went on like this for a while. Finally and somehow, the teachers settled on six families, with only weak objections that petered out by the next day. Who was not a good mother, who was known to clean houses on the side even though she got “welfare,” who was trying to get her kid on disability when he wasn’t disabled, who didn’t dress the kids warmly enough. I ventured to say that that was a point in favor of the mother with HIV, who had somehow made the effort to get her daughter a beautiful and warm coat. No one got it. I was glad that we could move on to packing the baskets. Roberta was angry, I could tell, because whenever she had lost hope in those around her, her intelligent sarcasm would disappear and a resigned silence would take its place.
As it turned out, it didn’t take one day for the Christmas Basket project as the principal had planned. It was nearly 5 o’ clock when we decided we’d have to take it back up tomorrow. So the next day, when we were all back at school, we were again instructed to suspend our therapy sessions for the day.
We lined up the plastic yellow baskets in the back offices on pressed wood tables, along with the canned goods, the boxes of cookies, powdered potatoes, my bags of pink beans and so on. I even saw some baby toys lined up on the tables, with some truly unique ones like a baby sensory crinkle foil, rattlers, teethers, and more. The nurse brought in some tree tinsel she had left over from trimming her tree, so we could decorate the “baskets” a little. The frozen hams would go on top the day we gave the baskets away.
The plan now was to announce the baskets and give them away on the last day of class before Christmas. The principal would do this at the end of the year holiday party for the students and parents. Sometime after the meal, the principal would make her speech and in the process, announce that several families had been chosen to receive special help for the holiday. Then the families would take their baskets home.
I went to see the principal later on in the day. “The baskets are really heavy already, and we don’t even have the hams in them yet,” I said. I told her I was worried that parents, not knowing they’d have to bring home anything this heavy and large, wouldn’t have any way to get the baskets home. We should tell them, even though it would no longer be a surprise, I said. The principal agreed that this might be a problem, but that most people lived a few blocks away. I reminded her that while that was true, they had children with them, and it might be impossible to manage with both. Furthermore, most families lived in walk-ups, and would need help to get the baskets up the stairs. Later, she announced that Frank would remain on call in case one or two families needed a ride. A teacher suggested that if we gave a ride to one family, then every family would expect one. “Well, I think we are doing way too much for them,” the teacher said. “Isn’t it enough they are getting the gift basket? They should work out their own way home.”
There was a small glitch when we were almost done wrapping the baskets: not the best quality plastic was used in their overseas manufacture, and they began to break in spots. We convened to see how to solve this problem. For one, returning the baskets was impossible, for despite their poor quality, we had forced very hard objects into them, rather than clothing, which was not the baskets’ intended use. We’d have a rough time proving our case to the 99 cents store owner. Second, unpacking the baskets would be too time consuming: each of us was now on our third day of working on this good deed, and the kids had missed three days of therapy already. If they missed a fourth day, we’d never catch up.
So we decided to reinforce each basket by wrapping it in plastic wrap. That way, the mothers (and some fathers) would be able to see their bounty, and if the basket broke more, the plastic wrap would hold it together long enough to get it home. The occupational therapist ran out of the building with her own money to get some at the supermarket. I was being reminded that every solution creates a new problem, and every new problem has, somewhere, a solution.
Roberta and I wrapped up our last one-each team of two people wrapped two baskets-on the carpeted floor of her office. Her objections to the project’s many impositions and cultural incorrectness had finally given way to acceptance. Between handing me pieces of tape, and cursing when the plastic wrap stuck to itself, she joked how all the canned goods were going to end up in the back of kitchen cabinets, to remain there only if things got really bad in the New Year. We discussed the relative weirdness of giving a box of powered potatoes to a people who only tolerate real potatoes when they can’t find another root vegetable: la malanga, la ňame (pronounced “nyame”), and la yuca being way more flavorful than the unimaginative potato.
For the most part, I had given up on talking to my colleagues or my boss about the ethical and practical problems with the basket project. It consumed human resources meant to be spent on existing work and therapy; it did not consider the real needs or preferences of the families. It created unexpected work for them-having to get the things home, having to figure out what to do with it all once it was unpacked; finally, the project cost a lot of money in man hours of six professionals who are paid about $35 an hour, times three seven hour days, equals $4,410 in labor, plus the $100 spent on the contents of each, the cost of the six baskets ($1.99 cents each) and the gas for Frank’s vehicle. Roberta and I talked about what an incredible help it would have been to instead take that $5,000 and divide it by 53, and give the cash out evenly among all the families, whereupon they could have chosen how to spend the nearly $100 bucks themselves, and bought real potatoes and real cranberries if they’d wanted to. While decorating the baskets with tinsel, I noticed the writing on the box that said, “not safe for children who may be put mouth.” Translation: Toxic to children below three years old. I remembered that one of our cats had gotten sick from chewing tinsel when I was a kid. We all pulled off the tinsel and threw it away.
The occupational therapist ducked out of the festivities right before the principal stood up to lead a prayer and get to the business of the Christmas Baskets. The day of the party had arrived, and the occupational therapist was charged with putting a frozen ham with each basket before the baskets were brought out. Unfortunately, since the baskets were already heavy and wrapped, each ham had to be handed over with a complicated explanation of why it wasn’t included more conveniently in the basket. In any case, the parents were politely asked to pay attention, so that we could announce the surprise. They took their seats with their children beside them, a collection of red, white and green dresses and small dress shirts proliferating on gray metal chairs. The parents balanced paper plates, filled up high with their pot luck Spanish dinner, on their laps.
The principal lowered the music and took the floor, announced our idea to give some extra help to a few families. As I expected, any explanation turned out to be too awkward, raising more questions than it answered, and as she stumbled over her words she realized it too. To say the chosen families needed the help more than the others was to advertise that they were particularly destitute, since everyone in room was poor, including by the way the teachers, who made about $12 an hour. To say the chosen families were being rewarded would be taken to mean we thought they were better parents than the others. Either way, the principal was tongue tied, and I felt her pain, though I’d warned her this would happen.
She abandoned the explanation. As each family was called up to take their basket (and their frozen ham) to weak applause, true to human nature, each reacted in a different way. Some smiled and looked genuinely happy. Some seemed embarrassed, and tried to sit back down right away, but couldn’t, because they had to drag the heavy basket along the floor back to their chair. Flashes went off. Polite but quizzical looks formed on the faces of those parents who it turned out were not getting a basket. One woman who heard her name asked immediately, “Dios mio, how am I going to get this home?” The principal reassured her that Frank would help. Frank quickly put on a smile and looked anxiously at the clock. The weatherman had said snow, and Frank lived in Westchester.
I looked for Roberta. She’d retreated to the back to play with a couple of her regular children, the only sane people in the room. The pictures would later appear in the newsletter of the social services agency to which our school belonged. The party began to break up as some of the teachers and parents left, blowing kisses, ‘Merrychristmases’ and ‘Dioslebendigas’ into the air. In the background, I noticed some angry voices and looked up. Those who had not gotten a basket had been handed Tupperware and invited to help themselves to the various hot, delicious homemade-by-parents dishes they’d just been served at the party, so that nothing would go to waste. To the amazement of all except maybe Roberta, this caused outrage: the parents who had to lug home the Christmas Baskets were upset that they couldn’t have any of the homemade, non-canned, Spanish delicacies. Rice and beans, dulce de leche, roast pig falling from the bone, and so on. People have killed for less. Even if it had been allowed, the “basket families” could not possibly carry anything else home because of the mammoth baskets they’d been saddled with. An argument ensued between two parents who got a basket and one who didn’t. Tragically, a cup of homemade coquito ended up on the floor when one of them wouldn’t let go of it. Strident objections were heard. Children absorbed the tension and began to cry. I could only sit and watch, wolfing down my plate of roast pig, rice and beans, lest it be wrested from me. Eventually, an uneasy decorum prevailed, but the true preferences of the people had shattered the good will the whole project was supposed to create.
We went to get our things from our offices, since the school would be closed for the Christmas break. The teachers were mostly gone. I later found Roberta downstairs drinking a soda and cleaning up. I got out some paper towels. We didn’t talk about the Christmas Baskets.
“Well that was nice!” the school nurse said.
I had gone back upstairs to get my coat, and bag. On the way past her office she had called out to me. I stopped in her doorway. I thought of what to say.
“I think that it was a lot of work for not much return. We overworked ourselves. We embarrassed those parents. We left them wondering if we are unfair. We gave them food they wouldn’t buy themselves, given the chance.” I considered what to say next, knowing what the reply might be. “We could have done more for them, and saved a lot of trouble, if we had just handed them the money and let them shop for themselves.”
“That wouldn’t work,” the nurse said. “How do you know they wouldn’t have spent it on alcohol or something they don’t really need?”
It turned out to be snowing heavily, a real white Christmas snow. It turned out that five of the baskets needed a ride home. Frank did three and the nervous and dedicated occupational therapist did two. Frank told me a few days later that he and his wife argued that night-he’d arrived home two hours late for their own family gathering because he’d helped two of the three mothers carry their baskets up the stairs, then got caught in traffic on the Major Deegan. What else could he do? When he got home and got his own bags and his kids’ gifts out of the back seat, he found a frozen ham defrosting on the seat, left behind in the confusion.
One gracious mother, standing on the dark street in front of the school with me, had assured us she could get the basket home herself-“I live only one block away,” she insisted. Her voice was sad, betraying her tired smile. She directed her toddler to toddle beside her, which he did. I reached out to help her pull but she insisted, “I got it!” and turned away from me, turned her body against the snow and wind, and dragged the basket up the steep block, bent over it as over a dead body. The green and red wrapping paper we’d put over the plastic tore and fell away as the Christmas Basket was dragged over the snow.
Photo credit: CC poppet with a camera