INDIA: Basic Income Pilot Projects are underway

Although barely reported in the media, two basic income pilot projects are have been underway in India since January 2011. One pilot is being conducted in part of Delhi and the other in eight small rural villages in Madhya Pradesh. The Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) began planning and raising money for the rural project in 2008. The Delhi government eventually joined in, working with SEWA to organize an urban pilot project in Delhi.

Publicity about the project has been deliberately kept low because opponents have been using scare tactics to disrupt and to discourage participation in the project. They have spread rumors that the pilot would lead to the reduction or elimination of existing government support for the poor.

Families participating in the urban project receive 1000 Rupees per month (about US$22). Some participants have reduced access to other government transfers; some participants receive the grant all with full access to other government transfers. In the rural project, adult receive 200 Rupees a month (about US$4.40) and each child under the age of 14 receives 100 Rupees a month (about US$2.20). The project organizers will study the consumption, expenditure, and nutrition of the different groups of participations to a “control” group receiving no additional transfers to determine the impact of cash transfers.

These projects are similar to the Namibian basic income pilot project and to the U.S. and Canadian governments’ Negative Income Tax experiments conducted in the 1960s and 1970s, but the rural project adds an important new innovation to the method: the project is being conducted on the village, rather than on the individual, level. All residents of eight Indian villages will receive the basic income, and their behavior will be compared with residents of twelve “control” villages. This method will allow project designers to study village-wide effects of the transfer.

Guy Standing, professor of economic security at Bath University (UK) and an honorary co-president of the Basic Income Earth Network, helped to conceive and organize the project. He argues that it needs to be conducted with scientific dispassion. But he’s hopeful of the outcome. Asked about the results of the Namibian pilot project—which he was also a part of—Standing said that organizers documented many positive effects: “Child school attendance went up dramatically, use of medical clinics went up. Those with HIV/ AIDS started to take ARTs (Antiretroviral Therapy drugs) because they’d been able to buy the right sort of food with the cash. Women’s economic status improved, and the economic crime rate went down. Income distribution improved.”

For more about the projects see an interview with Guy Standing in The Times of India:
https://www.timescrest.com/opinion/social-insurance-is-not-for-the-indian-open-economy-of-21st-century-5775

OPINION: Two basic income pilot schemes will start in India

OPINION: Two basic income pilot schemes will start in India

India might seem an infertile ground for basic income. For decades, social policy has been about the bureaucratic raj, through which subsidised items have been supposedly supplied directly to ‘the poor’, mainly through ration shops, and where subsidies in general have become deeply ingrained in the society, accounting for over 5% of GDP. However, within the past two years an extraordinary change has occurred. Suddenly, the whole of the political establishment is talking about the desirability or otherwise of “cash transfers” instead of subsidies.

The timing of this new political prominence is fortuitous, since we had been planning a pilot cash transfer scheme since 2008, effectively a basic income pilot, albeit called a ‘universal, unconditional, individual cash transfer’. It had its origins in a seminar in Ahmedabad at the headquarters of the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) of India, where I laid out the principles of a basic income and reviewed the arguments for universalism against selectivity and targeting, and unconditionality against conditionality. Initially, there was some resistance to the idea that each man and each woman should receive the cash transfer independently. SEWA leaders were inclined to push for it to be paid to women only. To their credit, they eventually agreed that it should be paid to men and women independently, with the children’s cash being given to the mother or principal child-carer. Initially too, some argued for conditionality, but in a subsequent meeting representatives from local SEWA branches came out vehemently against conditionality. This was wonderful.

It took a year to raise funds, during which time a team of researchers and SEWA leaders was formed to plan the work. It was decided to operationalise the pilot in villages in Madhya Pradesh. But as we were planning, another opportunity came up to operate a second smaller pilot in a district of Delhi. This was instigated and supported by the Delhi Government, and the design reflected that. The Delhi pilot involved giving households a ‘choice’ between continuing with the existing PDS ration scheme, based on what are called the BPL (Below Poverty Line) cards that the poor are supposed to possess, and taking a monthly cash transfer instead. Many opted for the cash.

Shortly after this small pilot was launched, local opposition was mobilised, with a street campaign based on a claim that we wished to take away food and other essentials from the poor, currently provided to some people through the BPL cards. This misrepresentation led to riots directed at our team and pressure being put on those residents who had opted to take the basic income cash to revert to the rations. The ration shop owners were involved in this, although the action was led by a so-called Right to Food group.

As of July 2011, the Delhi pilot has been maintained, thanks in part to behind-the-scenes support of the local government and to the courage of local SEWA members. There is even evidence that more residents are wishing to shift to the basic income. We are in the midst of the second round of a monitoring-and-evaluation survey of the impact of the basic transfers. And there has been a request from the Delhi Chief Minister to conduct a second pilot in another area.

Meanwhile, the pace of political debate has been rapid. There has been a press furore, with prominent critics, such as Jean Dreze, claiming those pushing for cash transfers are wishing to dismantle the social state. I have responded to that in several newspaper articles and interviews, and in mid-July addressed the National Advisory Committee responsible for advising the Congress Party leadership, and thus the Government, on social protection policy. I have also given several presentations to UN organisations, including a long seminar that was teleconferenced in seven cities of India.

Meanwhile, the bigger pilot in Madhya Pradesh has moved ahead. We have been doing everything possible to maintain a low profile, which is one reason for my reluctance to present a description to BIEN members. Some of those who oppose cash transfers refuse to accept the legitimacy of pilot tests, and want to disrupt them.

Anyhow, although we certainly do not want any publicity about where the pilot is being conducted, the essence of the methodology and objectives are worth noting, partly because they might be relevant for pilots in other countries.

First, we decided to conduct a variant of a randomised control trial (RCT), in which all residents in 8 villages were to be provided with the basic cash transfer while all residents in 12 similar villages were not. Note that the full randomista model would provide the “treatment” (i.e., cash transfer) to a sample of households selected at random from within each village, to be compared with similar households not provided with the “treatment”. In the case of cash transfers that would be fraught with practical and moral drawbacks. So, we opted to provide the cash transfer to every individual in 8 villages and to none in the 12 ‘control’ villages.

Partly for pragmatic reasons, or funding constraints, and partly because the amount represented about 40% of bare subsistence, the pilot opted to provide each adult with 200 Rupees a month and each child under the age of 14 100 Rupees a month. Again because of funding constraints, it was decided to run the pilot for 12 months, although we had initially planned to do so for 24 months.

In accordance with a long-advocated theoretical position, we designed the experiment with one innovative feature. My perspective – shared by many within BIEN – is that a basic income would work better if combined with existence of ‘basic Voice’, i.e, a collective body able to represent the interests of the vulnerable. After all, particularly in low-income areas, a person with cash is vulnerable to losing it to more powerful individuals or groups unless there is a body able to represent and defend their entitlements.

With this in mind, it was decided to design the RCT experiment so as to compare the outcomes in places where there was no Voice body with those where there was such a body. Fortunately, we had a good way of doing this. For SEWA is operational and embedded in some of the villages and not others. So, from a sampling frame of all ‘SEWA villages’ and a sampling frame of all ‘non-SEWA’ villages in the district selected, we drew a sample of four SEWA and four non-SEWA villages in which the basic cash transfer would be paid.

Once the design principles had been worked out, the first practical phase was the drawing up of a full listing of all households in the 20 villages, not an easy or speedy process. That done, we conducted a comprehensive baseline survey of all households, and launched the cash transfer in the following month. But while that was going on, one further obstacle had to be overcome. It was desirable to control for ‘financial inclusion’, by universalising the way by which individuals received the cash transfer and by ensuring everybody had a bank account. This is a major issue in India today. The majority of the population are ‘unbanked’.

Rolling out bank accounts has been ongoing, with a record of when they were opened being kept for all individuals. For the first two months, the cash transfers were made by direct transfer, with teams from the project going to each village on a designated day. The process has been time-consuming but fortunately without incident. We hope to switch to paying through bank accounts shortly.

While a baseline household and individual survey was conducted, a Community Survey was also conducted to obtain macro-level data. Both the baseline and community surveys will be repeated, with modifications to suit the new period, six months after the start of the pilot, defined as the time of the first cash transfer. These will be called the midline surveys. Then, six months after that the endline surveys will be conducted.

Before the pilot was launched, we drew up a list of hypotheses associated with basic income or cash transfers, all of which are familiar to members of BIEN. We will be testing each of those, and hope to produce a public report and a series of technical papers over the next 18 months.

During that time, we expect the public and political debates in India to evolve dramatically. It is unlikely that the project team will stay out of those debates, even if it wished to do so. The Government has set up an official committee to review basic subsidies and two Food Security Bills are currently the focus of political attention. Numerous economists and other social scientists have taken up positions for or against cash transfers, and no day goes by without at least one newspaper article adding to the debate.

All that can be wished at this stage is that reason will triumph over emotion, and that dispassionate analysis can lead to better social policy. The importance cannot be over-stated. After all, there are more people in India – over 300 million – who are in absolute poverty than in any other country of the world. If a basic income could be part of the way to cut that number drastically, that would be a wonderful contribution. But we must keep our feet on the ground as we grind out the difficult fieldwork and analysis before us.

OPINION: Genetics, the deserving and underserving poor

OPINION: Genetics, the deserving and underserving poor

By Michael A. Lewis, Associate Professor
The Silberman School of Social Work at Hunter College

After spending 15 years teaching about, writing about, and observing the U.S. welfare state, I believe that the policies that make it up are based on a questionable assumption. In general, U.S. residents think that there are two kinds of people who receive social welfare benefits—those who deserve them and those who don’t. This is sometimes stated as a difference between the deserving and undeserving poor but it goes beyond poverty. The deserving are those who are in need through no fault of their own, while the undeserving are those who are in need because of “bad” decisions they have made. Perhaps they chose not to work enough, to have a child too early and/or outside of marriage, not to finish school, etc. The key to becoming a member of the deserving group is to be a working person, someone who has worked, or someone who is thought unable to work. Here “work” is used to mean someone working for a wage in the “above ground” economy. For those who distinguish between the deserving and the undeserving this is the only kind of work that counts. Taking care of one’s kids or other worthwhile things people can be doing instead of working for a wage simply don’t “cut it.”

Those who are working, have worked, or are unable to work, have the earned income tax credit, social security, and unemployment insurance. The most infamous program for the undeserving is Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF but more commonly called “welfare”). TANF recipients are usually single non-working mothers and typically receive less than recipients of unemployment and social security. TANF recipients are also subjected to a work requirement in order to continue receiving benefits. This requirement means that they have to do some type of work in order to receive benefits. Those who don’t may have their benefits reduced or eliminated. It would be laughable for someone to propose that recipients of social security be required to work in return for their benefits. This is because, so the reasoning would go, they already worked for them back when they were “going to work every day” and “paying into the system.” Even though many in the U.S. seem wedded to the idea that there are deserving and undeserving recipients of social welfare benefits, I think this idea may be way too simplistic.

To see what I mean, consider the stereotypical “lazy” welfare mother. She is poor and needs “welfare” because she has chosen not to work and, because of this choice, doesn’t really deserve assistance. Perhaps we should support her for the sake of her children or simply to be “charitable” but, morally, she has no right to help. I think this view may be wrongheaded for reasons that will soon become clear.

As I understand it, geneticists believe that any observable trait that differs among people can be valid to study genetically, including behavioral traits. They also believe that complex observable traits result from a complicated interaction of genes with other genes and with the environment. They don’t claim to understand these interactions completely but think that what’s going on is that the effects of some genes depend on other genes as well as the environment and that the effect of the environment depends on genes.

As some readers may be aware, there is currently a controversial area of genetics called, behavioral genetics, that focuses on how genes and environment interact to affect behavior, including human behavior. Based on having read some of this work, I think that those working in this field regard human behaviors, such as the choices we make, as complex traits. If choices make up a pattern that some would call laziness, I think this laziness would be regarded as a complex trait too. The problem for the deserving/undeserving distinction is that people don’t choose their genes nor do they choose their environments, at least not completely. This is why it is such a complex process in learning how to analyze social behavior when you have to consider all of these different factors.

I’m the father of a young daughter, half of whose genes came from her mother and half from me, but this is not something she chose. All of her life we’ve chosen the environments she’s spent time in. Since she is still pretty young, this will still be the case for a few years to come. Even as she starts playing more of a role in deciding where she’ll spend her time, the interaction among her genes and between her genes and our earlier environmental choices for her may affect these “choices” too. What I’ve said about my daughter, of course, applies to all of us, whether we are “hard working” or “lazy”.

If genes and environment interact to affect human behaviors, including “laziness,” then the problem it raises for the deserving/undeserving distinction should be clear. In a sense the mother on welfare who has chosen not to work hasn’t really chosen not to work at all. She hasn’t chosen her genes, she hasn’t chosen much of her environment, and she hasn’t chosen how these interact to help create her “laziness.” So is it really fair to deny her the help she needs, on moral grounds, because she has “chosen” not work?

What I’m saying here might be troubling for several reasons. Some might think my argument is similar to the long held view that the average black is not as smart as the average white and that this difference is due, in part, to genetic differences between these two “races.” This is not the case at all. The racial difference in smartness argument is an argument about genes helping to explain differences between groups. What I’m saying is that interactions among genes and between genes and environment may explain differences within a group, where that group is the entire human race. To say that genes and environment interact to affect human behavior doesn’t mean that supposed differences between blacks and whites are partly due to racial differences in genes. An example should help make this clear.

Suppose that blacks and whites differ, on average, for a trait and that genes and environment interact to affect this trait. It’s logically possible for this to be true and for blacks and whites to have identical genes. This is because even though they have identical genes blacks and whites may, on average, have grown up in very different environments. The interaction of identical genes with different environments may be what explains the racial difference in the trait.

Others might be bothered by what I’m saying because they view the idea that human behavior may be influenced by genes as very suspicious. They might say that human behavior is caused mainly by social factors, especially oppressive ones. To this I would say that it is hard to read the work of geneticists and come away believing that genes play almost no role in influencing human behavior—there just seems to be too much evidence that suggests the possibility of such influence. Also, to say that genes may influence behavior is not to say that the environment, even an oppressive one, doesn’t. Remember that what I’m saying is that genes interact with the environment to influence our behaviors. Part of that environment may be racist, sexist, homophobic, neighborhoods ignored by investors and other powers that be, “crappy” schools, lacking in employment opportunities, etc. All I’m saying is that these kinds of environmental factors may interact with our genes to result in certain behaviors being more likely than others.

Still others might have problems with what I’m saying because they believe it means that people cannot be held accountable for their bad decisions. If people make such decisions because of their genes and environments and they have no control over these, how can we hold them responsible for their choices? I have to admit that this even troubles me, especially when one leaves social welfare policy and considers criminal justice. But if behaviors differ among human beings, if behaviors are examples of complex traits, if all such traits are influenced by genes and environment, and if we don’t completely choose our genes or environments then it’s very hard to see how we can fairly be held completely responsible for our “choices,” good or bad.

What does all this mean for social welfare policy? The main thing we should do is stop trying to make policy decisions based on who is deserving of help. Instead of trying to figure out if people are deserving of help we should simply try to figure what they need and how to provide it. If people need housing, how do we get them that? If they need food, how do we get them that? The question “do they need food or housing because they’ve made bad choices and don’t deserve help?” should be seen as irrelevant, since it is so hard to separate the choices they’ve made from the ones that were made for them. Yet we should be careful. Even as we focus less on whether people deserve help, that doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t still care about incentives.

Incentives may be very important parts of our environments that interact with our genes and other parts of the environment to influence our behavior. Thus, whether a policy might result in people working less, spending a longer time looking for a job, family “break-up”, etc. could still be relevant questions to ask. The point is that these questions can be asked and policies based on our best guess answers to them can be proposed without blaming people for their bad choices. A policy that is “in the spirit” of what I have in mind is the basic income (BI).

BI is a proposal that for many would be a better way to deal with poverty than we do now, at least in the U.S. It would set a minimum income in the sense that no one’s income would be allowed to fall below that minimum, whether or not they worked. Those who did work would pay a tax on their earnings but the tax would be set so that those working would always have a net income higher than those who stayed home and lived only on the BI. If it were possible to get this minimum income high enough, poverty could be better dealt with and people would still have a clear incentive to work. Doing both of these things together is how BI considers the incentive to work without also withholding help from people in need because of their “bad” choices. I think that the more we can move toward policies like BI, the better off we’ll be. Such policies would allow us to go beyond the terribly outdated practice of trying to distinguish between the deserving and undeserving poor.

Acknowledgements
Thanks to Carole Schiffman, Steven Strogatz, Eri Noguchi, Jennifer Waldman-Green, Joel Blau, Mimi Abramovitz, and Yuko Kawanishi for their helpful comments and suggestions.

Credit picture: CC Gino Zahnd

OPINION: FEDERAL INCOME SUPPLEMENT: FINANCIAL INDEPENDENCE FOR ALL

INTRODCUTION

Over the decades economists have suggested many forms of minimum income, most recently the Basic Income Guarantee or BIG which is an unconditional regular payment from the government to everyone. The objective of this paper is demonstrate the financial feasibility of a specific $12,000 per year per person U.S. federal government program financed entirely by cutting only existing federal welfare associated programs and changing the federal personal income tax to a flat rate of 16.2% but allowing no deductions. This program would not add to nor reduce the federal deficit. Other potential avenues for federal deficit reduction such as defense, Medicare, Medicaid, foreign aid, wealth taxes or gas taxes have not been preempted.

FEDERAL INCOME SUPPLEMENT

The Federal Income Supplement (FIS) program would take the form of an unconditional taxable government payment of $12,000 each year to every adult US citizen. The cost would be approximately $2.6 trillion per year for the 218 million recipients. Half would come from eliminating multiple forms federal welfare and reduction of other federal programs. The other half would come from a 16.2% flat rate personal income tax with no deductions. For the sake of greater income equality, Progressives would give up sacred social programs such as Social Security and welfare. Libertarians would buy into income redistribution for the sake of major reductions in the size of government. It would not increase the federal deficit.

A convenient truth is that not everyone needs to work. Full employment is not necessary for the production of sufficient goods and services for everyone. Not everyone needs to work fulltime, but everyone needs money to buy these goods and services

This Federal Income Supplement (FIS) is a straightforward uncomplicated solution with little government intrusion and little opportunity for fraud, abuse or bureaucracy. It is similar in concept to the current Alaska Permanent Fund annual dividend and a proposed Basic Income Guarantee (BIG).

The following direct savings and increased income tax revenues would finance the entire cost:

1. Elimination of all Federal welfare programs
2. Elimination of Social Security
3. Elimination of Federal unemployment benefits
4. Elimination of Minimum Wage laws
5. Elimination of Farm Subsidies
6. Elimination of Federal subsidies for student loans
7. Elimination of Federal retirement breaks for employers and employees
8. Elimination of Federal financial benefits for married couples
9. Elimination of Federal tax exemptions for “non-profits”
10. A flat 16.2% Federal income tax rate and elimination of all deductions

The benefits would be:

1. Elimination of poverty
2. Elimination of unemployment
3. Maintenance of a viable economy with only partial employment producing enough goods and services for everyone
4. Decoupling of old age income from employment
5. All citizens would pay federal income tax, becoming stakeholders with greater interest
6. Elimination of the bulk of retirement tax breaks going to the wealthiest
7. Security for people of any age or any circumstance who are not employed
8. Elimination of the minimum wage would make the US labor more flexible and competitive in the global market
9. Drastic simplification of the tax code

It is different from welfare or unemployment as it is paid out to everyone. There is no stigma. It is not lost by working. It is different than a negative income tax because it is issued as a separate payment similar to how Alaska pays oil dividends to each resident. It can be characterized as a birthright, a common share of America that pays a dividend, or as an inheritance, or as a trust fund.

Financial Summary (in billions)

Tax revenue from supplemental payments themselves $ 352
Increased revenue from a 16.4% flat tax rate and elimination of deductions 1136
Eliminations of Social Security 755
Reduction of Discretionary Programs (Education, HUD, etc.) 200
Reduction of Mandatory Programs (Commerce, Agriculture, etc.) 165
TOTAL (revenue increases + spending cuts) $2,608

Please note that all these program reductions are at the Federal level and do not necessarily affect any welfare programs at the state or local level. Also, these program reductions for FIS only affect welfare related programs. This FIS program does not reduce or increase the federal deficit. Other federal programs such as Defense, Medicare, Medicaid, and Foreign Aid are not affected. Cost reductions in these Federal programs are still available for reducing the federal deficit.

CALCULATIONS

Tax Revenue from federal supplements themselves
Adult Citizens in US
   Total US Resident Population 2009
   Less
307,000,000  (1)
   US Resident under 5 2009 21,000,000  (1)
   US Resident 6-9 2009 21,000,000  (1)
   US Resident 10-14 2009 20,000,000  (1)
   US Resident 15-19 2009 22,000,000  (1)
   Foreign Born under 5 263,000  (2)
   Foreign Born 5-14 1,600,000  (2)
   Foreign Born 15-24 3,730,000  (2)
Total 218,000,000  US Adult Citizens
Federal Income Supplement 12,000  $/year per adult
Total Federal Income Supplement payments 2.62 trillion  $/year
Tax rate 16.2%
   Flat rate no deductions
   Income, cap gains & interest same rate
Tax Revenue from tax on FIS payments 424,000,000,000  $/year
Current Tax on Social Security Benefits
   Total SS payments 720,000,000,000  $/year (3)
   Income tax rate paid, marginal 10%  Estimate
   Current tax revenue from Tax on SS benefits to be 72,000,000,000  $/year
   subtracted to avoid double counting tax revenue
Net Tax Revenue increase from tax on FIS payments 352,000,000,000  $/year

Additional Tax Revenue from a flat income tax rate and no deductions
Personal Income (PI) 2008 12,547,000,000,000 (4)
Capital gains in 2010, not included in (PI) 504,000,000,000 (5)
Social Security/Medicare contributions not included in (PI) 1,004,000,000,000 (4)
Total taxable personal income under FIS 14,055,000,000,000      
Flat tax rate with no deductions 16.2%      
Tax Revenue from flat tax rate and no deductions 2,277,000,000,000      
Obama 2012 proposed budget personal income tax revenue 1,141,000,000,000 (3)
Net increase $1,136,000,000,000

Replace Social Security with FIS

Eliminate Social Security Retirement 762,000,000,000 (3)
Eliminate Social Security Admin 7,000,000,000 (6)

Reductions in Discretionary Spending from Obama 2012 Proposed Budget (1)

Reductions in Dept. of Agriculture 10,000,000,000
Eliminate Dept. of Education Discretionary 74,000,000,000
Eliminate SBA 2,000,000,000
Reduce Health Discretionary 60,000,000,000
Eliminate HUD 49,000,000,000
Reduce Dept. of Labor Discretionary 5,000,000,000
Total Discretionary Reductions $200,000,000,000

Reductions in Mandatory Spending from Obama 2012 Proposed Budget (1)

Agriculture 116,000,000,000
Commerce 2,000,000,000
Social Security Admin 47,000,000,000
Total Mandatory Reductions $165,000,000,000

CONCLUSION

The numbers can work. Real incomes would be increased by more than 50% for individuals now receiving maximum welfare benefits, those making minimum wage and students with federal loan support. Middle-income individuals would realize a modest net income increase that would decline to zero for those making about $125,000 per year. Individuals now making over $125,000 would realize a lower net income.

Notes:

1 Resident Population by Sex and Age 198-2009, US Census Bureau
2 Table 42 Foreign Born Population 2009, US Census Bureau
3 Table S-4 Obama Proposed Budge 2009, Office of Management and Budget
4 Table 2.1, Personal Income and Its Disposition Bureau of Economic Analysis
5 Table 4.3 Actual and Projected Capital Gains Realizations and Tax Receipts, Congressional Budget Office.
6 Social Security Administration, Pg. 165, Obama Proposed Budget 2009, Office of Management and Budget.

LITTLE, Mat, May 2011, “Economic crisis and post-capitalism: Mat Little interviews the economist Harry Shutt about economic crisis and the left alternative.”

Red Pepper

Describe by Little as “an economist who occupies the dissident edge of his profession” Shutt is the author of A New Democracy and The Decline of Capitalism. In this interview, Harry Shutt endorses basic income. Answering the question, “You think a citizens’ income is essential. Why?” Shutt replies, “Given the ever growing global surplus of labour noted above, it is no longer possible to pretend, if it ever was, that full employment is a realistic goal. … This points to the necessity of devising a system of income distribution which incentivises people to undertake only work which is necessary – including caring activities which at present are largely unpaid – and does not penalise people for being unemployed. The most obvious benefits of a basic or citizen’s income – paid at a flat rate to every adult irrespective of their income or employment status – would be that every individual would be assured of basic subsistence without the need for means testing. The administrative costs of means testing would be saved, as would the personal irritation and humiliation. People could undertake paid work or start small businesses without losing any benefit, while at the same time they could afford to undertake unpaid work of value to the community – including as carers – which might otherwise not be done.”

The article is online at:
https://www.redpepper.org.uk/economic-crisis-and-post-capitalism/