IRAN: Basic Income Might Become Means Tested

Iran has had a nationwide basic income in place for the past year. It was introduced in the autumn of 2010 to replace inefficient subsidies of fuel and other commodities that had been in place for decades. The basic income was designed to cushion the blow of increased prices.

After a year of operation, the government is finding it necessary to lower the cost of the basic income and is considering means testing as one option. The plan would make the highest income-earners ineligible for the transfer. The number under consideration is 10 million people, or about 14 percent of the 74 million who currently receive the transfer.

The initial transfer amount (per person) was set much too high relative to the money saved from the elimination of subsidies, although understandable from a social and (short-term) political standpoint. That mismatch wreaked havoc with the finances of the program since nearly all of the net revenues generated from price increases went to households in transfers when their share was supposed to be 50 percent according to the Targeting Subsidies Law of January 2010. The other 50 percent was supposed to be divided between government spending and the business sector, which also suffered when the fuel subsidies were eliminated. The business sector got little of the 30 percent share allocated to them, and the government got none of the 20 percent share it had been allocated for improvement of infrastructure.

There is another problem that means testing might address. Whatever the level of funds available for transfer to households, there is a tradeoff between coverage and the amount of the transfer per person. If the rich are getting it, the lower income people will have less. That is the real dilemma now. The idea is to exclude some of the better off so that the amount of the transfer can be raised for the rest. Additional revenues are also expected from further cuts in subsidies in the second stage of the reform that is slated to begin in a few months.

The initial plan is to ask higher income earners to opt out voluntarily. Households with income above a couple of thousand dollars a month (a fairly large amount of money in Iran) will receive a letter from the government urging them to withdraw from the program voluntarily. No one knows how the recipients will respond. If enough of them agree to withdraw, the matter will have been settled. If not, the government will have to decide how to proceed. The sad fact of the matter is that at the moment the funds going to the rich are entirely at the expense of those with lower income.

Hamid Tabatabai, writing for USBIG

For more information about the Iranian basic income go to these links:
https://www.bepress.com/bis/vol6/iss1/art3
https://presstv.com/detail/220308.html
https://www.dolat.ir/NSite/FullStory/News/?Serv=0&Id=209885

OPINION: If economic disparity is a growing problem, then let’s discuss solutions

By Kelly Ernst

Open a newspaper and you are likely to read that the Canadian economy is ramping up. Oil is up, the dollar is up, and employment is up. Yet on the streets we hear that things have not changed substantially for many people and for a very long time.

Statistics Canada data confirm that the highest-income people are earning more, while lower-income Canadians are not faring better. So where is the debate on new policy initiatives that could reverse such disparity across the income spectrum?

Growing disparity

It is easy to find reports of economic well-being but the fact remains that economic disparity is growing at a worrisome rate.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has pointed toward Canada as an example where “the rich have been getting richer leaving both middle and poorer income classes behind … Canada spends less on cash benefits such as unemployment benefits and family benefits … as a result, taxes and transfers do not reduce inequality by as much as in many other countries.”

Consequently, up to 14 percent of Canadians now live in poverty. Even in wealthy Calgary the working poor now number as many as 140,000 people.

The reports about how well our society is doing economically ignore the reality of the many people who are falling farther and farther away from those with wealth.

What’s wrong with income disparity?

To say that economic disparity is bad for all of us, not just the poor, is not particularly revolutionary. Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett, in their book The Spirit Level, bring together a wide variety of evidence showing that countries with greater disparity have lower life expectancy, higher teenage pregnancies, higher infant mortality rates, higher rates of crime and homicides, greater imprisonment rates, and lower social mobility.  The conclusion seems unavoidable: we ought to be tackling growing disparity to eliminate the harm it causes to all of us.

Back to basics

One policy worth considering is a guaranteed basic income level for all citizens. Although there are many approaches, a guaranteed annual income (GAI), has been described as a promising method.

A GAI provides enough income to ensure families can pay for their basic needs, such as housing, food, clothing, and transportation, without needing expensive government supports to monitor it. Senator Hugh Segal has argued that a negative income tax program could be used to deliver the GAI. For those who file taxes and earn below a particular threshold a grant would be delivered to them. This would phase out as they begin earning self-sustaining incomes. If unconditionally applied to all citizens, it might eliminate much of the poverty in Canada as well as the discrimination in adjudicating the “deserving” and the “undeserving” poor.

Segal suggests that GAI would reduce many costly provincial and municipal support programs (such as     welfare, employment insurance, food banks, homeless shelters, and many health services) that are currently used to address poverty. Because it would be universally applied through tax returns, the GAI eliminates the need for monitoring elaborate qualifying rules. It attacks core poverty without needing swarms of additional bureaucrats and may well result in a diminished bureaucracy.

Canadian evidence

Recent studies by Evelyn Forget based on evidence accumulated from a basic income trial in Manitoba in the 1980s suggest that a minimum income program leads to greater levels of post-secondary education plus fewer health and other costs associated with poverty.  Rather than acting as a disincentive for people to find work – a criticism often leveled against a guaranteed income – the Manitoba trial showed that the program provided opportunity for people to upgrade their education and opened new employment opportunities to them.

Canada currently offers a minimum Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) to seniors with low incomes. The GIS is often cited as a policy success because it keeps many seniors out of poverty who would otherwise experience extreme hardship. Similar programs have been suggested for people with disabilities, students, or single women with children pursuing educational upgrades.

Contrary to critics of a basic income policy who suggest it would be prohibitively expensive, its implementation may be quite affordable – especially in comparison to funds expended on recent   economic stimulus. For example, Canada spent $47 billion in 2009-10 on stimulus infrastructure   spending. This is five times more than the $8.3 billion spent in 2010 on GIS for 1.6 million seniors. We spent substantially less on direct supports for people entering the work force: $1.3 billion for   approximately half a million people accessing student loans and grants.

The billions spent on infrastructure rather than expanding Canada’s existing GIS was a conscious policy decision in response to the economic downturn. The main impediment to helping the poorest Canadians climb out of poverty is not that a basic income policy would be unaffordable but that we lack the political will to consider such a solution.

Policymakers should consider basic income benefits

Consider a GAI applied to students in postsecondary education. If we supported low-income students through school, they could complete their education debt-free similar to how many higher-income Canadians now complete their education. A GAI would allow access to education for diverse groups of people who are least able to afford it, simultaneously help to reduce economic disparity by improving their employment prospects, and reduce governmental costs associated with student granting programs.

A GAI could give the opportunity to students to invest savings immediately upon entering the workforce and foster compounded wealth accumulation both individually and on a macro scale. Such early investment by young people could significantly reduce the need to pay seniors’ pensions later in life.

This is only one example of how a basic income policy might help encourage people to sustain themselves, reduce the cost of poverty to taxpayers, and simultaneously reverse the societal impacts of deepening disparity.

Without serious discussion of economic disparity, its consequences, and possible solutions, we will never      determine how to mitigate poverty’s deleterious effects to all of us. If we think economic disparity ought to be addressed, then we have an ethical obligation to ask our policymakers how they plan to do it.

Kelly Ernst is Senior Program Director at the Calgary-based Sheldon Chumir Foundation for Ethics in Leadership.

OPINION: Thinking About Ethical Leadership: An ethical response to poverty in Canada

By Janet Keeping

I often wonder why concern about poverty in Canada is not more intense and widespread. 

Are Canadians really as indifferent as we seem?  Or is some of the failure to react a function of ignorance? Certainly many people seem not to appreciate that there is acute poverty in Canada.

For example, in Calgary – one of the wealthiest cities in Canada – over 100,000 people, or about 10 percent of the population use food banks annually.  This fact is not widely known, even in Calgary, although it is publicized from time to time in the media.

As an aside, I note that ignorance itself has ethical dimensions. As good citizens we should keep ourselves apprised of what is going on in our community, especially what is going on with our society’s most vulnerable members. Ignorance may be bliss, as the old saying goes, but it isn’t ethically defensible.

In any event, ignorance can’t entirely explain the failure of Canadians to react to the poverty in our midst.  There is more to our apparent apathy about poverty; namely a profound failure of imagination. Knowing something – such as that many Canadians are poor – is one thing. Understanding the significance of being poor is quite another.  If you can’t picture the suffering, you aren’t going to appreciate the imperative to help.

When told the people were starving for want of bread, Marie Antoinette – the last Queen of France – famously replied “Well, then, let them eat cake.”  The phrase “let them eat cake” has become synonymous with a callous disregard for the lot of the (much) less fortunate.

But the anecdote also connotes an inability to picture how life goes for people in very different circumstances from yours. If Marie Antoinette’s bread supply had ever been low, there would have been many other foodstuffs to keep hunger at bay, primary amongst them cake.  This wasn’t true for the masses.

In contemporary Canada the demeaning grind of poverty looks very different than it did in 18th century France, but poverty remains dispiriting and painful.

It looks like the parent who has always to say “no” to a child’s desire for what others all around have. It looks like the degradation of having to tell your child’s principal that you can’t afford the school trip and ask if a subsidy is available, and like the guilt of feeding your family what you can afford rather than the more nutritious foods you know they need to thrive.  And if your poverty is caused by being out of work, then it looks like the agony of knowing you are providing a poor role-model and as a   result the cycle of poverty may well be repeated in your child’s adult years.

Canadians have to have the relevant information – that there is significant poverty in our country – and they have to have some way into understanding what it means.  Only with that kind of understanding will we insist that collectively – through public policy reform – we address the issue in a robust way.

The precise policy solution to poverty is not our concern here. It is instead:  how do we get to the point that the suffering around us caused by poverty becomes intolerable and we insist upon action?

Our failure to reach that level of motivation is even more disconcerting now that the gap between rich and poor is growing in Canada (as it is in many countries).  There is ever stronger evidence of the connection between that gap and the incidence of serious social ills, such as teenage pregnancy, lower life expectancy and crime.

A growing body of evidence suggests that the bigger the income gap in any society, the worse the conditions for everyone in that society, not just the relatively poor. So even if you are not moved by the injustice of poverty and the stressful unhappiness it causes, you should be stirred to action by your own self-interest. Yet many people remain indifferent.  So, what is going on here? I think it is this: we do not see our interconnectedness.

The notion that our individual well-being is strongly connected to the well-being of the broader society flies in the face of one of the strongest myths of our place and time: that you make it or don’t almost exclusively on the strength of your own  effort.

We persist in believing we are personally responsible for our poverty or wealth, as though what is going on around us has no relevance. Increasingly it looks like this is far from the whole story and in important ways simply not true.

Greater knowledge, imagination and understanding of our interconnectedness seem needed to spur an ethical response to poverty alleviation.

Janet Keeping is President of the Calgary-based Sheldon Chumir Foundation for Ethics in Leadership.

Film review: “This Land is Our Land:” reviewed by a commoner

SMITH, Jeffery J.President,
Forum on Geonomics
jjs@geonomics.org;www.progress.org
Land Rights course: www.course.earthrights.net
Share Earth’s worth to prosper and conserve.

“This Land is Our Land” is a recent video (2010) subtitled, “The Fight to Reclaim the Commons” and was previously titled “Silent Theft”. It’s by author David Bollier (Senior Fellow at the Norman Lear Center at the USC Annenberg School for Communication); it’s available from the Media Education Foundation.

Featured speaker Bollier cites a new international movement that is trying to reclaim our commons by modeling practical alternatives to the restrictive monopoly powers of corporate elites. Given the overlap in values and goals, perhaps advocates for commons could be natural allies of BIGists.

A leading figure in this movement steeped in democratic principles, Bollier places the commons within the American tradition of community engagement – such as good ol’ barn-building by a work party of friends and neighbors – and the free exchange of ideas and information; he could have cited Ben Franklin, man of many inventions, who did not believe in patenting a thing (although the absence of patents and copyrights cost dividendist Tom Paine a fortune).

Bollier shows how commercial interests are undermining our collective interests; for more than three decades, transnational corporations have been busy buying up what used to be known as the commons — everything from our forests and our oceans to our broadcast airwaves and our most important intellectual and cultural works. He bucks the rising tide of anti-government extremism and “free” market ideology.

To see the whole video, click here:
https://www.mediaed.org/cgi-bin/commerce.cgi?preadd=action&key=146

If you’ve not thought much about your heritage and the now-absent commons, Bollier’s film will be informative. But be forewarned: it perpetuates the stereotypes of rich vs. the rest, business vs. the rest, right vs. left, commons vs. market (which is actually part of the commons), as if reality is only black and white.

Of course, the rich, the right, the corporations do commit atrocities, but so do the poor, the left, and governments. Indeed, now in Africa and Central Asia, the biggest land-grabbers are governments such as those of China and Saudi Arabia. And while markets might not be ideal tools for distribution, they are quite useful for efficient and sufficient production. Let’s use them for what they are, not blame them for what they are not.

Bollier’s is a common (no pun intended) mistake, but mistake it is. There is no good reason for one promoting a third way – which the commons approach could be – to take sides. By alienating the people comfortable with freedom, he hampers progress toward justice. The people who’re wary of government and long to live free of oppression are many millions (see North Africa) – many more than the few propagandists and apologists for the current system of crony capitalism. Bollier might benefit by vacating his ivory tower long enough to get his hands dirty and rub elbows with ordinary folk fighting corruption in most countries on the planet.

The other main problem with Bollier and his colleagues is that they either don’t see or are too cautious to mention the most relevant part of the commons – the commonwealth. You’re human and you know how humans are: to us, money matters, even matters more than nature or the environment, never mind any commons. Caution is not persuasive to people open to change, the ones who must support proposals for stewardship or a Citizens Dividend or basic income; it comes across as cowardice at worst and uninspiring at best.

The real issue is not ownership, whether holding some land individually or as a group. The real issue is: who gets the profit – the rent, the immense flow of money that society spends for nature. You might own land with a house on it, but it requires you to make mortgage payments to lenders. Your government might own an oil field but in America when oil companies don’t pay the agreed upon royalties, the US Government turns a totally blind eye. No, it’s not who holds title, it’s who gets the rent.

Rent dwarfs wages and interests. It’s our spending for surface land, buried resources, spectral airwaves, ecosystem services, and those government-granted privileges such as corporate charters, utility franchises, copyrights/patents, and bankers’ sovereignty. In any economy it is so much money that if society shared it, one’s monthly dividend check, deposited into one’s bank account, would easily be enough to constitute a basic income (to cover the costs of the basics: rudimentary housing, a non-packaged diet, non-label clothing, a metro pass, and medical insurance).

Ironically, if Bollier were bold enough to mention the commonwealth, then a vast majority would pull for sparing the environment. Presently, too many people see the false dichotomy of income vs. environment as true. Actually, there are feasible technical solutions to almost all environmental challenges. Society does not use them, is ignorant of them, due to the entrenched power of present rentiers, the few who siphon off most of society’s spending for land and oil, other natural resources, and government-granted privileges. But share that rental flow, and people would become secure enough to think straight. A critical mass would see that the healthier the planet, the higher its locational values, and the fatter one’s social dividend.

Recover that fat flow with land dues and other dues and fees and you can abolish taxes. Share the recovered public revenue and you can abolish subsidies such as corporate welfare. To win your fair share of Earth’s worth, maybe it would help some to talk about ownership and commons, but you’ll do the most good by touting geonomics and an equal extra income to all.

OPINION: FEDERAL INCOME SUPPLEMENT: FINANCIAL INDEPENDENCE FOR ALL

INTRODCUTION

Over the decades economists have suggested many forms of minimum income, most recently the Basic Income Guarantee or BIG which is an unconditional regular payment from the government to everyone. The objective of this paper is demonstrate the financial feasibility of a specific $12,000 per year per person U.S. federal government program financed entirely by cutting only existing federal welfare associated programs and changing the federal personal income tax to a flat rate of 16.2% but allowing no deductions. This program would not add to nor reduce the federal deficit. Other potential avenues for federal deficit reduction such as defense, Medicare, Medicaid, foreign aid, wealth taxes or gas taxes have not been preempted.

FEDERAL INCOME SUPPLEMENT

The Federal Income Supplement (FIS) program would take the form of an unconditional taxable government payment of $12,000 each year to every adult US citizen. The cost would be approximately $2.6 trillion per year for the 218 million recipients. Half would come from eliminating multiple forms federal welfare and reduction of other federal programs. The other half would come from a 16.2% flat rate personal income tax with no deductions. For the sake of greater income equality, Progressives would give up sacred social programs such as Social Security and welfare. Libertarians would buy into income redistribution for the sake of major reductions in the size of government. It would not increase the federal deficit.

A convenient truth is that not everyone needs to work. Full employment is not necessary for the production of sufficient goods and services for everyone. Not everyone needs to work fulltime, but everyone needs money to buy these goods and services

This Federal Income Supplement (FIS) is a straightforward uncomplicated solution with little government intrusion and little opportunity for fraud, abuse or bureaucracy. It is similar in concept to the current Alaska Permanent Fund annual dividend and a proposed Basic Income Guarantee (BIG).

The following direct savings and increased income tax revenues would finance the entire cost:

1. Elimination of all Federal welfare programs
2. Elimination of Social Security
3. Elimination of Federal unemployment benefits
4. Elimination of Minimum Wage laws
5. Elimination of Farm Subsidies
6. Elimination of Federal subsidies for student loans
7. Elimination of Federal retirement breaks for employers and employees
8. Elimination of Federal financial benefits for married couples
9. Elimination of Federal tax exemptions for “non-profits”
10. A flat 16.2% Federal income tax rate and elimination of all deductions

The benefits would be:

1. Elimination of poverty
2. Elimination of unemployment
3. Maintenance of a viable economy with only partial employment producing enough goods and services for everyone
4. Decoupling of old age income from employment
5. All citizens would pay federal income tax, becoming stakeholders with greater interest
6. Elimination of the bulk of retirement tax breaks going to the wealthiest
7. Security for people of any age or any circumstance who are not employed
8. Elimination of the minimum wage would make the US labor more flexible and competitive in the global market
9. Drastic simplification of the tax code

It is different from welfare or unemployment as it is paid out to everyone. There is no stigma. It is not lost by working. It is different than a negative income tax because it is issued as a separate payment similar to how Alaska pays oil dividends to each resident. It can be characterized as a birthright, a common share of America that pays a dividend, or as an inheritance, or as a trust fund.

Financial Summary (in billions)

Tax revenue from supplemental payments themselves $ 352
Increased revenue from a 16.4% flat tax rate and elimination of deductions 1136
Eliminations of Social Security 755
Reduction of Discretionary Programs (Education, HUD, etc.) 200
Reduction of Mandatory Programs (Commerce, Agriculture, etc.) 165
TOTAL (revenue increases + spending cuts) $2,608

Please note that all these program reductions are at the Federal level and do not necessarily affect any welfare programs at the state or local level. Also, these program reductions for FIS only affect welfare related programs. This FIS program does not reduce or increase the federal deficit. Other federal programs such as Defense, Medicare, Medicaid, and Foreign Aid are not affected. Cost reductions in these Federal programs are still available for reducing the federal deficit.

CALCULATIONS

Tax Revenue from federal supplements themselves
Adult Citizens in US
   Total US Resident Population 2009
   Less
307,000,000  (1)
   US Resident under 5 2009 21,000,000  (1)
   US Resident 6-9 2009 21,000,000  (1)
   US Resident 10-14 2009 20,000,000  (1)
   US Resident 15-19 2009 22,000,000  (1)
   Foreign Born under 5 263,000  (2)
   Foreign Born 5-14 1,600,000  (2)
   Foreign Born 15-24 3,730,000  (2)
Total 218,000,000  US Adult Citizens
Federal Income Supplement 12,000  $/year per adult
Total Federal Income Supplement payments 2.62 trillion  $/year
Tax rate 16.2%
   Flat rate no deductions
   Income, cap gains & interest same rate
Tax Revenue from tax on FIS payments 424,000,000,000  $/year
Current Tax on Social Security Benefits
   Total SS payments 720,000,000,000  $/year (3)
   Income tax rate paid, marginal 10%  Estimate
   Current tax revenue from Tax on SS benefits to be 72,000,000,000  $/year
   subtracted to avoid double counting tax revenue
Net Tax Revenue increase from tax on FIS payments 352,000,000,000  $/year

Additional Tax Revenue from a flat income tax rate and no deductions
Personal Income (PI) 2008 12,547,000,000,000 (4)
Capital gains in 2010, not included in (PI) 504,000,000,000 (5)
Social Security/Medicare contributions not included in (PI) 1,004,000,000,000 (4)
Total taxable personal income under FIS 14,055,000,000,000      
Flat tax rate with no deductions 16.2%      
Tax Revenue from flat tax rate and no deductions 2,277,000,000,000      
Obama 2012 proposed budget personal income tax revenue 1,141,000,000,000 (3)
Net increase $1,136,000,000,000

Replace Social Security with FIS

Eliminate Social Security Retirement 762,000,000,000 (3)
Eliminate Social Security Admin 7,000,000,000 (6)

Reductions in Discretionary Spending from Obama 2012 Proposed Budget (1)

Reductions in Dept. of Agriculture 10,000,000,000
Eliminate Dept. of Education Discretionary 74,000,000,000
Eliminate SBA 2,000,000,000
Reduce Health Discretionary 60,000,000,000
Eliminate HUD 49,000,000,000
Reduce Dept. of Labor Discretionary 5,000,000,000
Total Discretionary Reductions $200,000,000,000

Reductions in Mandatory Spending from Obama 2012 Proposed Budget (1)

Agriculture 116,000,000,000
Commerce 2,000,000,000
Social Security Admin 47,000,000,000
Total Mandatory Reductions $165,000,000,000

CONCLUSION

The numbers can work. Real incomes would be increased by more than 50% for individuals now receiving maximum welfare benefits, those making minimum wage and students with federal loan support. Middle-income individuals would realize a modest net income increase that would decline to zero for those making about $125,000 per year. Individuals now making over $125,000 would realize a lower net income.

Notes:

1 Resident Population by Sex and Age 198-2009, US Census Bureau
2 Table 42 Foreign Born Population 2009, US Census Bureau
3 Table S-4 Obama Proposed Budge 2009, Office of Management and Budget
4 Table 2.1, Personal Income and Its Disposition Bureau of Economic Analysis
5 Table 4.3 Actual and Projected Capital Gains Realizations and Tax Receipts, Congressional Budget Office.
6 Social Security Administration, Pg. 165, Obama Proposed Budget 2009, Office of Management and Budget.